DEPROGRAMMINGS IN JAPAN AND AMERICA:
A COMPARATIVE STUDY
A thesis by
Andrew Colin Davies
Presented to the Faculty of the
Unification Theological Seminary
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the Master of Divinity Program
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION: PIONEER YEARS........................ .. 3
1) FIRST STAGE PERSECUTION: 1966-78............... . .. ..8
BirTH of Anti cult movement ..10
2) CHRISTIAN INITIATIVE: 1978-86.................. . 17
ORIGINS..................................... ... 17
CLERGY AND THE MENTAL HOSPITALS.............. .. 22
CONFLICTING BELIEFS.......................... .... 26
3) ALL OUT ATTACK, 1987- ........................ .. 31
CLERGY & THE COURTS 38
THE BROADER MILIEUX................... .......... 49
THE ANTI-CULT MOVEMENTS................ ....... 54
THE MENTAL HEALTH ISSUE.................. ...... 59
LEGAL QUESTIONS............................. .... 64
CLERGY RESPONSE..................... .......... 69
CONCLUSION: WHAT IS TO BE DONE? THE UC RESPONSE ........................... 75
BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................... ........81 - 87
Before the outbreak of deprogrammings in Japan that took place in the early 1970's, there already existed a history of resistance towards the Unification Church (UC). Indeed the key to understanding exactly what factors have since led hundreds of parents to employ this extreme measure lies within the very origins of the church in that country. For, from its very inception, the Japanese UC has been fraught with confrontation.
Bong Choon Choi, the first Korean missionary to establish a foothold in Japan, left Pusan harbor in South Korea, on June 15th, 1958, on board a smuggler's boat called the Kinsekikon. The crossing would not prove to be an easy one. Whilst at sea, the crew robbed Choi and, six days after sailing, the Japanese coastguard, near Hiroshima, spotted their boat. Together with the others, Choi was beaten and arrested in Shimonoseki harbor. On October 9th, he was sentenced to 6 months imprisonment in Yamaguchi Prison; in all he spent 130 days in Jail. On February 18th, 1959, the day after his release, he was arrested once again and imprisoned in Shimonoseki. This time, fearing that he might be deported, Choi planned an escape.
He was able to gain a transfer from there to a nearby hospital by inducing food poisoning, which he managed to do by saving up the portions of Soya sauce from his meals and drinking them in one dose. Once admitted, the hospital's lower security allowed him to make his escape. From Shimonoseki he moved by train to Tokyo.
Finally, he got a job as a salesman for a watch shop, "Ondori-Sha" at Takadanobaba in Tokyo. During the morning he worked; during the afternoon he proselytized. Once a week he rented the second floor of the shop to preach.
Despite later contracting tuberculosis, Choi proved to be very successful in attracting new converts. In October of 1959 the Unification Church of Japan was founded and, by the fall of 1962, Choi had made contact with a Buddhist movement called Rissho Koseikai, whose membership totaled over 1.5 million. Osami Kuboki, an assistant and potential successor to the group's leader, Nikkyo Niwano, grew close to the UC and joined in November of that same year; as did many others of the Koseikai faithful. In 1963, with the blessings of Niwano, several workshops were held for the Koseikai leaders.
In all, from March to July, 114 members heard the Divine Principle; the main teaching of the Unification Movement. Ken Sudo, an early convert to the Japanese UC, described the encounter:
They arrived at the Koseikai headquarters with Buddhist Sutras etc. They came by bus to the Rittai Cultural center. The forty leaders weren't told where they were going or for what reason. As soon as they reached the facilities, they were given new uniform worker suits. They weren't allowed any contact with the outside as they were asked to focus solely on the lectures for seven days. They were all serious and some of them were nervous. I was asked to give the first lecture; I was also nervous.
The radical nature of the workshop reflected the importance with which its organizers viewed its success. For them the outcome would determine the entire future of the UC in Japan. They need not have worried, at least for the moment. By the time the lecture series reached its conclusion, the participants were convinced:
Some pounded on their desks, some began to cry; others hit their own heads while others began to speak in tongues. The lecture room became a vortex of tears. I don't know how long this lasted, but it went on for at least an hour. The next day I found that two brothers had shaved their heads like penitent Buddhist monks.
The workshop series was to have culminated in two student conventions: One held for the Unification Church and the other as a more general meeting for all the members, including those from the Koseikai. The second meeting, called the "World Youth Kick Off Convention", was held at the Koseikai Church headquarters on July 3rd, 1963.
Yet, within eight days of its commencement the honeymoon period between the two groups had come to a close. Upset by what he was witnessing and the loss of so many of his members, on July 11th, President Niwanno broke off relations with the UC and tried to prevent any further education of his congregation; a rift his former secretary and heir apparent, Osami Kuboki, was unable to heal.
Mr Niwanno was so afraid of our fanaticism, especially (because) those who attended the trainings of the Unification Church denied the traditional lifestyle of the Koseikai; the worship of the ancestors, which was the core practice of the denomination.
These were not the only difficulties to beset the early Church. In one instance, when a construction company was contracted to build the UC's new headquarters building in Tokyo, the firm's managers began to have serious doubts about the charismatic Choi, or Nishikawa as he was known, especially his promises of future payment. In the end they demanded half of the total expenses in advance.
Rumors about Nishikawa spread to include beliefs that he and his movement were plotting against Japanese interests. Yet, suspicions of fanaticism, financial irregularities and Korean influence peddling remained only among a few disenchanted church contacts. It was only when the first printed articles appeared against the UC that these began to receive national attention. From that time on, distrust towards the UC has increased. By 1971, the first kidnapping incident had taken place.
So far, little documentation exists in the West about the number and nature of deprogrammings, occurring throughout Japan, over this last 20-year period. Perhaps, in its way, that is almost as remarkable as the events themselves. For, at a time when deprogramming in the West is in steep decline, having been rigorously scrutinized by sociologists, psychologists, religious bodies, politicians et. al., this Japanese phenomenon appears to have come and grown in silence.
The object of this thesis is to catalogue the history of deprogrammings of UC members in Japan. However, even though the events themselves might have taken place in isolation and certainly involve factors unique to this country, it is impossible to arrive at a wholly accurate appraisal without looking beyond this nation. Clearly, significant events which acted to check the rate of deprogrammings in other countries have either not transpired, or have been less effective here.
To explore why this should be so, Chapter four offers a comparison to the deprogramming situation in America, for the reasons that both countries have had to deal with similar issues, both have been centers of considerable UC activity, both have had to relate to the church as an alien movement, both have produced well organized anti-cult movements and in both countries deprogramming began the same year. Nevertheless, where America has seen a dramatic decrease in the number of UC members kidnapped, Japan has experienced a continual incline. Finally, Chapter five looks at the UC's varying response to the phenomenon in both countries and the degree that has influenced the directions of the respective anti-cult movements.
In 1966, a Christian minister, by the name of Satoshi Moriyama, published a critique entitled About the Errors of the Unification Church (Toitsu Kyokai No Machigai Ni Tsuite). As well as rejecting UC's doctrines, Moriyama also criticized its connection to the anti-communist league. By the following summer, an influential daily newspaper called the Asahi Shinbun, had added a more personal touch to the complaints. In its July 7 edition, the paper ran an article entitled "Oya Nakase Genri Undo" (The Religion That Makes Parents Weep); it claimed the Church was guilty of separating families. The following month, this story was picked up by a television documentary series called "Image of today" (Gendai No Eizo). The one-hour, prime time program, broadcast on the "NHK" national television station, dedicated an entire episode to "uncovering" the UC.
The ferocity of these attacks shocked the UC leadership. Realizing the tremendous damage they could cause to the church's fortunes, they immediately set about organizing a series of workshops aimed at placating any such parental fears.
In the late summer of that year a hotel was rented in the Hakone mountain resort and UC members were mobilized to try to persuade their parents to attend. Eventually, 201 parents came to listen to the Church's explanation of its philosophy, purpose and lifestyle. The workshop lasted two days and proved to be very successful. So to did a second meeting, held shortly afterwards in nearby Atami city, which drew a further 430 parents. Out of these two meetings a UC parent's association was formed. However, any hopes that this would defuse all further accusations would prove to be over optimistic. This was so partly because the nature of the activities of the church itself would arouse more than mere parental concern.
In 1968 the UC founded the "International Federation for the Victory Over Communism" (IFVOC). Since that time the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) has been, for all intents and purposes, at war with it. For the communists, what had been an inconsequential and obscure fringe religion had become a political threat. Arguments broke out on campuses between these two rival student factions and, in one incident, members of Zengakuran, the JCPs student group, attacked 12 UC CARP students.
CARP; the Collegiate Association for the Research of Principles, was founded in Japan on September 15, 1963. Its purpose was to counter JCP influence on college campuses. By 1965, there were 50 centers, 300 members in leadership roles and 100,000 students attending lectures.
Yet, it was not until 1971, when a slightly built, party activist called Teruko Honma discovered her eldest daughter had joined the UC, that the JCP was presented with a substantial means of discrediting its adversary and they seized upon it.
Birth of the Anti-Cult Movement
In April, that year, Honma arranged to have her daughter, Hatsuko, kidnapped with the aim of forcing her to give up her UC membership. To expedite matters Hatsuko was admitted to Shimada mental hospital, Akita Prefecture. Once there, she was prescribed a course of drugs, which continued throughout the 65 days of her "therapy". To Hatsuko's further surprise, she discovered that she was not the first to suffer such an ordeal. In the hospital she found a tiny piece of paper, rolled up, which had an inscription written on it by her cousin, a UC member and former hospital inmate.
Although Hatsuko eventually escaped and returned to the UC, her mother's zeal did not abate; rather it grew into a crusade. Honma proved to be very adept at mobilizing the support of others and, in April 1972, she started a group called "Yokokai" (Parents against the Principle, also known as The Association of Parents Victimized by the Principle). The attraction of this association was much the same as for its counterparts in America, with Parents able to gain both solace and strength knowing that others also disagreed with their offspring's involvement in such new religious movements (NRM's). Likewise, in both countries, these groups would also find they had ready friends waiting in high places.
"Yokokai" itself began with the support of the JCP and a Christian minister, Arai Arao, who had published a virulently anti-UC book entitled "Nihon no Kyoki-Shokyo Rengo To Genri Undo" (Japan's Madness: The Anti-Communist League and the Principle Movement), in 1971. For the JCP, this was to prove a most propitious marriage of convenience. By promoting the fear of breaking up families, the JCP saw a means of alienating the UC from the mainstream of Japanese middle class society and, therefore, of severing IFVOC from its natural support base.
As part of this attack the JCP's daily newspaper, Akahata, began printing excerpts of Rev. Arao's critique, which claimed the UC to be a false Christian Religion. By itself, that would hardly have shocked the more than 99% of non-Christian, Japanese society, therefore, the JCP backed up its assault by also accusing the UC of indulging in promiscuous activities; a point which caused considerably more consternation. Perhaps most damning of all, to the eyes of the Japanese right wing, was the JCP's charge that it was a "fifth column of the Korean CIA". The JCP launched its salvos in two ways: Directly, as already mentioned, through its main publication Akahata daily newspaper and its elected Dietmembers. Secondly, indirectly by supporting other "concerned" groups such as the Liberal Bar Association, the Japanese National Relief Association, and JCP affiliated women's groups such as the New Japanese Women's Club (NJWC). Akahata, by itself, has a limited and specialized circulation and its impact should not be over estimated. However, its stories have often been taken up and used by others, thus gaining considerably more influence.
In one example, early in 1977, Teruko Honma had asked the newspaper to investigate the UC, something it was more than willing to do being hardly a change of direction for it. The newspaper gave her story front-page coverage - it received good mileage. On Feb. 7th, 1977, the Secretary General of the socialist party, Masaaki Ishibashi, questioned the then Prime Minister Fukuda at the Budget Committee of the Japanese House of Representatives. He read to him a report listing numbers of UC members whom, it alleged, had died, gone missing or were mentally effected as a result of their church affiliation.
These figures had been given to him by the Japanese Bar Association, which in turn they had compiled through a petition sent out to members of Honma's "Association of Victimized Parents". It was these results that Honma had asked Akahata to print.
The story appeared to gain even more legitimacy when it was picked up by the Fraser Commission and used as a source in its 1978 US Senate hearings. Consequently the New York Times printed these same figures. In turn these were bounced back to Japan and re-quoted, this time in more respected "dailies", as a New York Times story, thus gaining considerably more prestige.
In another article, Akahata in June of that year, referred to Sun Myung Moon as someone who "repeatedly committed outrages upon women and propagates promiscuous sexual activity". Other newspapers, including the Shukan Taishu, picked up on this sexual theme in stories such as "Sex is all" and "Members of the Diet Participating in UC's Blood Distribution Ceremony".
Eventually, a subsequent UC investigation proved all of the above allegations to be unfounded. Two of these Japanese papers, the Shukan Taishu and the Yomiuri Shinbun, later printed apologies in June '79, something the resolute Akahata has never felt obliged to do. Indeed, such admissions failed to provoke even the slightest dint in its enthusiasm.
As previously mentioned, starting as early as 1970 and under JCP guidelines, Akahata had been printing a steady series of articles defaming the UC, especially referring to KCIA links. 1978 saw the number of those articles skyrocket from a previous high of 71 to 1,716. Church sources claim that 5 of Akahata's 16 pages were used to attack the UC in every edition throughout that year.
Teruko Honma, herself, had begun working with the New Japanese Women's Club in 1973 and, in February of that year, organized a meeting in Akita City. Two months later, on April 22, the group she founded was formalized and became known as "Parents opposed to the Principle Movement" (Zenkoku Genri Undo Higaisha Fubo No Kai, or, Hantai Fubo No Kai). In January 1975, at a meeting held at Arao's office, this was expanded and renamed "National Association of Parents Victimized by the Principle Movement" (Genri Undo Taisaku Fubo No Kai). The group's first national meeting was held at the Yamanote Church. Its aim was to oppose the 1800 Couple Blessing, organized by the UC in February 1975.
Working with Honma in establishing this group was a deprogrammer called Tomigoro Goto (1909-1984). Goto had become involved in the anti-cult movement after his son joined the UC. He would prove to be particularly unremitting and even ruthless in his efforts to bring members out of the church. One of his publications was a small book called "Bury the Bloodsucker Sun Myung Moon".
Yet, due to differences in procedural methods and a general clash of personalities, his relationship with Honma was to be a brief encounter. In 1976, together with an ex-UC member called Takeshi Maruyama, he helped set up "Genri Higaisha Kousei Kai" (Association for the Rehabilitation of Victims of the Principle). The building they operated from was named the "Shinsei-kai (New Life) Institute." Once here, the UC members were kept in chains for much of their "treatment". In case this should not have proven adequate, the fact that the premises were situated on the building's second floor helped to further discourage any escape attempts. Yet, even despite these safeguards some managed to break free, though such cases proved to be the exception.
In October of that year, Maruyama asked one 23-year-old member, to write a letter withdrawing her membership of the UC. This she did sensing that it may be her only way to be released from the institute, having already been held there for 36 days. The withdrawal letter was important to the deprogrammers and would be used in many future cases. The members saw it as a means of fooling their captors, but the ramifications of such an act were more serious. Once a member publicly renounced their UC affiliation, the Church no longer had the right to go to the courts on their behalf. Whatever legal protection they may have had would now have been forfeited; a point not lost on Maruyama. 
About 5pm, October 21, after she had sent the letter, Maruyama transferred her to Room 101, Mansion Etoile, 1-36-13 of Nerima-Ku, Tokyo where he resided. About 10:30 pm the same day, when Mrs L. was taking a bath with the doors locked Maruyama, completely naked, used a spare key to open the bathroom (Door) and assaulted her.
According to the victim's affidavit, Maruyama raped her repeatedly throughout the months of her captivity, as well as committing other obscene acts. It was not until January 24th, 1977, that she was able to escape; some 96 days since her transfer to Maruyama's room. Despite her parents' difficulty in believing her story, she reported the incident to the police who charged Maruyama. Yet, as the trial date drew nearer, a new fear grew inside her. Like many other rape victims, the ordeal of having to re-live the details of so horrifying an experience in court and then having to cope with any resulting publicity, proved too much and she dropped the case. With no charges to answer, Maruyama was freed and has never had to account for his actions.
The incident however was sufficient for the rest of the deprogramming fraternity to seek to distance themselves from Maruyama. Yet, despite breaking all contact with him, Goto was still able to keep the Shinsei-kai institute running, unchallenged, for two more years. Parents, it seemed, were still willing to surrender their children to his care. When it finally did close, in 1978, Goto began to have members admitted to established mental institutions.
Whereas the JCP had been the early source of support for the Japanese anti-cult movement, by the second half of the 1970's, things began to change. Until this time only a few maverick clergy had been active in the ACM but from 1978 onwards, Christian involvement increased dramatically. It emerged as the primary opponent of the UC in everything from publicizing critiques to sanctioning kidnappings. Among these churches, by far the most prominent was the United Church of Christ of Japan (UCCJ).
Besides doctrinal differences, another reason for the UCCJ's strident opposition was markedly ideological. As a body it had become increasingly left-leaning ever since 1967, when its president, Masahisa Suzuki, made a public confession of the church's former collaboration with the WWII Japanese government. This provoked a difficult period of in fighting between its right and left wing factions, which finally erupted some three years later over plans to participate in the 1970 World Exposition Fair, held that year in Osaka. Indeed, many within the UCCJ felt that the fair was being used to kindle a revival in former imperial hegemony.
The dispute was felt particularly strongly in Tokyo and Osaka and at Tokyo's Union Theological Seminary several heated campus disturbances broke out. Eventually, a split occurred with the UCCJ taking a sharp shift to the left and it was the late 1970's before the group could hold a formal general assembly.
As mentioned earlier, links between the UC and anti-communist groups were first referred to in Satoshi Moriyama's 1966 book. Yet, it was not until the early 1970's that the UCCJ fully began to focus attention on the UC. Following Arai Arao's series of publications, Nihon No Kyoki, the next significant printed attack to come from a Christian source, was an article written by a group of clergy headed by the indefatigable Moriyama. The ministers were responding to a series of articles printed in the Christian Weekly and based on interviews given by Hideo Oyamada, UC vice-president. The first appeared in the August 3, 1974, edition and showed no bias in its depiction of Oyamada's views. Later, the rival Christian News, after interviewing the "Weekly's editor Tomio Mutoh, deemed the UC to be "heretical and since that time has become an active voice against the UC. In the first four months of 1975 alone, six major articles appeared condemning UC activities.
Initially, the Christian Weekly allowed the UC to offer a rebuttal to these claims and its president Osami Kuboki, starting in November '74, wrote four articles entitled "In reply to Questions Regarding the Unification Church". However, as the Christian News stepped up its attacks, so the "Weekly" began also to adopt a more aggressive tone. On March 8, 1975, it printed a story called "The Truth About the Finances of the Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity". Most damaging of all was its publication, on October 4 of that year, of a statement made by the National Christian Council (NCC) of Japan entitled "Differences in Status and Doctrines":
The NCC must admit that there still exists a number of differences between the doctrine of the UC and established Churches such as the theology described in the Unification Principle (regarding) the Fall of Man, Salvation, Resurrection, Christology, Adventism and Satan.
Such Christian opposition to the UC was not to remain confined to the page alone. Rev. Moon's announcement of the "1800 Couple Blessing" prompted the churches to take a more active stance against the UC. Even despite failing to prevent this event from becoming fact, they continued to extend activities beyond their immediate call to arms. Indeed it is significant that Teruko Honma's "Parents of Victims" group held its first public meeting at a church; the UCCJ, Yamanote Church in Shibuya, Tokyo.
As the hostility and contempt towards the UC continued to grow, certain ministers began to play a more active role in the ACM. Besides Arao Arai and Satoshi Moriyama, two other religious figures to come to the fore were Sadao Asami, a Harvard trained theology professor at Tohoku Gakuin University, and a Seventh Day Adventist minister called Rev. Shinya Waga. Asami had been president of a group of intellectuals called "Scholars for the Revolution" (Kakushin Kon) and was encouraged to join the ACM by Takeshi Maruyama. Waga was also to form his own group, "Ecclesia", and publish a fiercely critical book, called The Behavior and Logic of the Unification Church. This was later printed in a July '78 issue of Akahata.
Up to this point, successes by the ACM, in seeking legitimacy, beyond its narrow core of faithful adherents, had been only marginal. Its attempts to mobilize mainstream groups, such as the Civil Rights Bureau and Ministry of Justice, had proven ineffective. In fact Honma's tactics of leading vigilante squads to break into UC centers and harass Church members had not exactly drawn sympathy for her cause. Yet that was to change quite dramatically in 1978, when a considerable increase in the influence and stature of the ACM took place. One factor responsible for this was the 1978, US Congressional Hearings, chaired by congressman Donald Fraser.
The hearings, lent new authority to even the wildest claims of the Japanese ACM. Not least because a lot of these actually found their way into Fraser's court room.
Closer to home, Rev Moon's visit to Japan, in October of that year, was another cause for concern after it became known that he planned to organize his next mass marriage on Japanese soil; so much so that the Immigration Department allowed him entry only on the condition that he agreed not to officiate in any religious ceremonies. However, once inside Japan, he immediately proceeded to hold a matching ceremony of some 1600 couples in a rural village called Kamikawa Mura. After that event a petition of concerned parents was handed to the government and the UC founder has remained "persona non gratis" ever since.
In November 1978 and with renewed support, Honma was involved in the formation of the most influential anti-cult group to this point, called the "Association of people concerned with the Principle Movement" (Genri Undo O Yuryo Suru Kai). A mark of its increased status was the fact that their meeting was held in a room belonging to the National Christian Council (NCC). Added to this, among those present at its inaugural session were some of the most senior members of the Christian establishment: The chairman of the Japanese Bible Association and former president of the Lutheran Theological Seminary, Chitose Kishi; the NCC consul-general, T. Shoji; the NCC chairman, Y. Yamada and NCC director, Tomoki Kimura.
Also supporting the meeting was the former president of Waseda University, Sukenaga Murai and JCP Dietmembers, Seiji Masamori and Toshio Komaki. Their attitude towards UC members was made clear in a joint statement of intent agreed upon during the course of the meeting. It stated, "UC members are mental patients, therefore cooperation with mental doctors will be the way for the opposing activities from now on". 
Clergy and the Mental Hospitals
On Nov. 29th, 1978, an article appeared in the Student News, published by the JCP central committee. It stated that the newly formed "Parents Concerned" movement intended to work with psychiatrists and theologians in treating Unification Church members. True to their word, during the period from 1979 to 1985, this group is thought by UC sources to have been involved in at least 20 of the known mental health cases. As previously mentioned, after the closure of the Shinsei-kai institute back in 1978, Tomigoro Goto was also actively involved in this.
Many of the hospitals were in the Tokyo area. Perhaps the most active was the Kurumegaoka hospital, in Higashi-Kurume City, Tokyo, where its director, Dr. Yoshie Ochi, worked with Goto on six recorded cases.
One former inmate, Junko Sakaguchi, described her 44-day confinement there in February 1980:
I was drugged everyday at 8:30 pm and after every meal. The door had locks and the windows had wire netting...The next day at 3 pm I was told I had a visitor. Wondering who it could be I went to the entrance hall where I caught sight of an old man struggling to climb up the stairs on all fours. He slowly got up minding his bad leg and said, "I'm Goto, I've heard that your condition has improved. I have come to see you".
Other harrowing accounts describe incidents where food was forced upon members who attempted to fast in protest. This was so in the case of Tomoko Miura:
I was given two intravenous injections a day. When I still refused to take food, the Doctor pushed a tube through my nostrils and into my stomach and poured fluids several times a day. At times my hands and feet were tied to the bed while receiving the IV.
Besides hospitalization, another method used was to confine members in makeshift cells at their parents' homes, which were both cheaper and less conspicuous. However, though not forced to take drugs, in many cases they were subjected to other forms of physical abuse; both from the deprogrammers and their own parents. Shoko Sasaki wrote,
Then I was put in the mizuya (storage room) and locked in. Three days later I broke the walls trying to break out. At night my father found out about my attempt to escape. He cut a bamboo pole and tied my arms to the pole. He stomped on me many times when I lay spread out on the pole. Just as he was about to untie my arms from the stick to hit me with it, my mother heard the noise and saved me, taking the stick from him.
In the previously mentioned case of Tomoko Miura, she was transferred from Seibu hospital, in Inuyama city, to her parents' house as a precaution after the UC sought a writ of Habeas Corpus on her behalf from the local Nagoya Court. Once the court had been satisfied that she was not being held in the hospital she was secretly re-admitted. After this second period of hospitalization she was again returned to her parents house and confined:
After I was released from the hospital to come home a cell was waiting for me upstairs. I was locked into the room by force, by three people. The cell was a six mat Tatammi room and, on the inside of the glass doors and screens, iron doors were fixed with double locks.
This time Tomoko was held for 32 days, from March 29 to April 29, 1981, when she finally managed to escape by cutting a hole in the wall of her room with a pair of scissors.
In all, either through writs of Habeas Corpus being issued or members being able to escape, 25 cases of hospitalization have been recorded. A recent UC report, sent to the World Council of Churches in Geneva, alleges that in many of these Christian ministers were involved to some greater or lesser extent. Waga and Asami are by far the most frequently mentioned. In one deprogramming the report claims Rev. Waga informed the parents of Junko Inoue that he would return to speak to her in the hospital "when she had grown weaker mentally".
Another name the report mentions is Rev. Masaki Hashiguchi who arranged the confinement of UC member, Hiromasa Hasuo, in Wakakusa mental hospital in Miyazaki City, during November 1981. It is feasible that a great many other cases existed beyond the 25 mentioned, where the treatment succeeded in persuading the member to leave. For in the absence of any further contact with the church, no record of their situation could be verified. Evidence to support this possibility first came to light more recently, in 1986. Akemi Yamamoto, a female UC member, had first been admitted to Koyodai mental hospital in Ochiai-cho, Okayama prefecture, on July 5, 1980, at her parents behest. She was to be held there until she rescinded her UC membership. On July 16, 1986, some six years later almost to the day, she escaped and returned to the UC. Court proceedings were immediately initiated on Akemi's behalf against the hospital's director, Dr. Kin-Ya Inoguchi. The hospital admitted full responsibility and, in October of that year, both parties agreed to an out of court settlement of 18,000,000 Yen ($130,000). This also included an agreement that no further action be brought against any other hospital staff. What prompted the hospital to agree to this was the fact that Akemi's condition had seriously deteriorated whilst the court action was under way. By September 29 she had begun to display symptoms of severe anxiety and depression.
Throughout that night she held on to two of her roommates hands; unwilling to let them even go to the restroom. She also developed difficulties in speech and began silently murmuring to herself.
Two days later Dr. Endo, from the UC owned Isshin hospital, diagnosed her condition and recommended that, once the settlement with the Koyodai hospital had been reached, she be admitted to Isshin hospital for observation. More than four years later, she is still today a patient of Dr. Endo's. Akemi's case leads to the conclusion, perhaps most concerning of all, that other UC members may still remain in unknown mental hospital wards.
In January 1979, the standing committee of the NCC passed a resolution stating its opposition to the UC. Entitled "A Reconfirmation on the Views of the Unification Church", it claimed the beliefs of the UC were fundamentally incompatible with the Christian creed. Leading this theological assault was Sadao Asami, who published two critiques; Concern About the Principle Movement and To Rescue Victims And Prevent Other Victims.
However, as his second book title suggests, he along with other clergy realized that a theological dispute alone would not block UC activities, for even more than in the West such details are largely irrelevant in this predominantly Buddhist milieu. Instead, Asami looked to more radical forms of intervention and, like many who would follow him, he became a deprogrammer. However, although it is true that 1978 witnessed an increase in Christian involvement in the ACM, it still remained by no means a given fact.
This was something Teruko Honma was all too aware of as she continued her efforts to lobby clergy. Beginning in 1981, she attempted to gain the support of a UCCJ minister, Sanai Hashimoto. He later wrote:
Three years ago, Mrs Honma called me up and asked me to pick her up. Since that time she has kept asking me to set up a branch of "People Concerned" in Hokkaido. This year I decided the time has come.
Hashimoto had more in common with Honma than just concern over the UC. He clearly shared her Marxist ideals, a fact he made public in his book The Truth About Jesus and Marx. In 1984, he formed what became known as the "Sorry" committee at his Hoko Church in Hokkaido and soon it became established as an active deprogramming center. Early on, Hashimoto announced 7 successful cases out of 10 attempts within the months of September and October of 1984 alone. Working with him were fellow UCCJ ministers Makino and Enomoto. The president of the group was a professional deprogrammer called Mitsuo Toda.
Also in Hokkaido, in 1985, the Sapporo based Church of the Twelve Apostles (United Church of Jesus Christ, Japan), under its chief minister Rudolf Keiten, claimed to have successfully deprogrammed 24 UC members.
The Church became so confident in both its cause and its technique that, in one instance, a recently abducted UC member was taken to its Sunday service with his hands bound in ropes.
How much these ministers were acting out fully coordinated and sanctioned UCCJ policy is not easy to assess. Certainly the ACM included prominent church leaders who worked alongside known deprogramming ministers; Church properties were used in kidnappings; official publications gave glowing descriptions of successful cases and no ministers are known to have been disciplined for endorsing or taking part in deprogrammings. All of which suggests some level of tacit support.
That organized condemnation of the UC existed is certainly clear. In 1985 the Japan Catholic Bishop's Conference issued an eight-page statement, which was printed in its national weekly newspaper, reporting on doctrinal differences and warning Catholics not to associate with UC members. An action, which may not have been taken unilaterally as, one month earlier, Akahata, had printed a report that it claimed to be from a "secret department of the Vatican" and sent out to bishops all over the world, stating the very same charges. The protestant Gospel Missions (Fukuin Senkyo) monthly magazine later picked up on these and printed the bishop's views.
We of the UCCJ hereby declare our anxiety towards the Unification Association and its activities. We plan to work on this situation seeing as an important responsibility of the Church the need to inform people of its true nature.
A possible indication as to what was inferred by "We plan to work on this situation, was given in a 30-minute skit performed during that same conference. Several ministers including Eiji Enomoto and Kenji Kobayashi, both active deprogrammers, re-enacted a kidnapping incident much to the amusement of those gathered. The Kyodan Times later praised it as having been "acted splendidly, enabling us to understand the real situation surrounding the activity of rescuing Moonies" Whatever the intention of the UCCJ's statement had been, the result was an increase in clergy involvement in coercive deprogrammings nationwide. One year later, in June 1987, the UCCJ had set up a special committee to counter the UC.
This was followed by another group, which was established in November of that year and worked out of the fourth floor of the UCCJ headquarters in Shinju-ku, Tokyo, counseling parents of UC members.
List of main churches involved
1) United Church of Christ in Japan
2) Japanese Church of Jesus Christ
3) Catholic Church
4) Japanese Evangelical Lutheran Church
3) Japanese Lutheran Church
4) Japanese Lutheran Doho Church
5) Japanese Church of the Nazarene
6) The Baptist Church
5) The Assembly of God, Japan.
6) The Evangelical Alliance Mission
7) Japanese Union Conference of Seventh Day Adventists
8) Independent Laymen
Rather than doctrinal differences, it was the discovery of the involvement of UC members in the sale of marble Vases, pagodas and name stamps that led to this increased demand for clergy as deprogrammers. Sold as a means of ancestor liberation and of improving the fortune of the prospective buyer, the "Spiritual Sales company" (Reikan Shoho) as it derisively became known, achieved staggering financial success within a very short period. Not surprisingly, it soon attracted media and public attention, in no small part due to the disclosures made by a former Sekai Nippo journalist called Yoshikazu Soejima, who left the UC in 1984.
Whereas the UC members who worked for the company maintained they were experiencing genuine spiritual support in their activities, Soejima claimed fraud. His jaundiced account was followed by the "Japanese Consumer Association" which began to print leaflets warning people to watch out for the "Reikan Shoho" sales people, stating that they had received over 2600 complaints on the subject from 1976-1982.
Sensing blood, the Liberal Bar Association (LBA), in the name of the Japanese Bar Association, released a sharply worded, 41 page report in July 1987 and proceeded to lead the battle that raged in courtrooms throughout the country as more and more dissatisfied customers began to prosecute Reikan Shoho's parent company, "Happy world". Chief among the prosecuting lawyers was an advisor to the Japanese Council of Churches, called Yamaguchi.
Most common among the plaintiffs' claims was that they had been pressured by "Reikan Shoho" salespeople into either buying these goods or facing the possibility of spiritual attack. In some cases this had meant parting with lifesavings or selling their own houses. The overwhelming success of the LBA led to settlements totaling many billions of yen; all of which "Reikan Shoho" was forced to find.
Most important to the prosecution was to try to establish links proving that, far from being an independent business, the company was directly controlled by the UC. This may have resulted in the UC losing its legal status as a church and therefore its tax privileges and other legal protection.
By March 1988, they felt they had such proofs. The JBA published a report, which purported to establish four major connections;
1) That most of the board of directors of "Reikan Shoho" were UC members.
2) That mobility of salespeople could not normally be possible among companies that claimed to be separate entities.
3) That a 1975 UC bulletin had referred to the introduction of marble vase sales as a UC activity.
4) By sending so much of their profits overseas, "Happy World" (The parent company of Reikan Shohoko) was in violation of the foreign exchange control laws established in Kobe in 1977.
Shortly afterwards, in the first case of its kind, two women sued the UC, rather than "Reikan Shoho", as being responsible for their financial loss. When the case came up at the Tokyo district court, on May 7th, the LBA set to work. 75 million yen was requested by the two women as compensation for having been pressured to sell real estate in order to buy "a lucky name stamp, treasure pagoda, ginseng, pictures and leather goods", by so called "psychic mediums".
The UC, for its part, denied any connection with the transaction. In a complicated final settlement, it received 83 million yen (Approx. $590,000) from the salespeople of "Reikan Shoho". The UC then passed this on to the two women concerned who, in turn, agreed to drop the case. The result was that no formal link was established between the UC and "Reikan Shoho", the two women got their money and only the lawyers were deprived of their bigger prize.
Instead, they continued their struggle fighting case by case. In another settlement, in March 1989, dealers agreed to refund some 14 million yen to 61 different buyers.
For the UC, despite its maneuverings the mud stuck anyway and it precipitated an explosion in case numbers of deprogrammings. Formerly ambivalent parents became concerned parents, concerned parents became distraught parents and the ACM and their lawyers all became extremely busy. The more disreputable the financial practices were seen to be, the more parents became willing to resort to coercive means to withdraw their children. The full effects of this have plagued the UC to this day.
Immediately, it led to the formation of the most significant ACM group to date. In October of 1988, The "Christian Nationwide Liaison Committee to Counter the Unification Church" (Genri Undo Taisaku Kirisuto-Sha Zenkoku Renraku Kyogikai Junbikai, abbreviated to "Gentaikyo"), met at Rev. Satoshi Moriyama's United Church of Jesus Christ (UCCJ) church, "Tokyo Eiko kyokai". Present were 13 of the major names in deprogramming:
1) Sadao Asami,
2) Teruko Honma,
3) Rev Takeo Funada (Kyoto Seito Church-Moriyama's assistant),
4) Rev. Matsunaga (Niizu Evangelical Church of Christ),
5) Rev. Koji Saito (Japan Evangelical Lutheran Yaizu Church),
6) Rev. Hisoka Murakami (Assembly of God),
7) Rev. Atsuyoshi Ojima (West Japan Evangelical Lutheran Aotani Church),
8) Rev. Hiroshi Kohara (Japan Lutheran Doho Kyodan Aikawa Bible Church),
9) Rev Susumu Homma (Japan Domei Christian Alliance Niigata Church),
10) Rev. Masayuki Hiraoka (Japan Evangelical Lutheran Nagano Church),
11) Mr. Mashiro Orita (Nihon Kami No Kyokai),
12) Mr. Yuichi Koiwa (United Church of Jesus Christ of Japan)
13) Rev. Kyoko Kawasaki (UCCJ Tanimura Church).
Its aim was to establish closer cooperation in future kidnappings and has remained as the most powerful between the ACM's. Extracts of a deprogramming manual, produced by "Gentaikyo", were featured in a lengthy report published in the right-wing monthly magazine, Zembo. The manual gave detailed advice on such areas as the choice of location for the deprogramming, how to avoid an escape, problems with the police and how to differentiate between an authentic and false "conversion".
Another feature highlighted by the Zembo article, was the increasing tendency of the ACM to use apostates in further kidnappings. In one section, called "A Copper Tablet with a Crucifix", Yukari Okada described how she was forced to take part in deprogramming another UC member to prove the sincerity of her own apostasy.
Such tests were not the only reason for employing former members. The romantic sense of mission associated with "rescuing Moonies", helped to replace the need for purpose the apostates often still looked to satisfy; something which the Christian churches in Japan knew they otherwise lacked.
The fact that the UC has appealed to a significant number of Christians is in itself a serious sign of inner crisis. Thousands of Japanese Christians find that church life is life-less and that the worship leaves them untouched. The Church is established in a negative sense; it is there and one wants to be loyal, but one does not expect a real challenge.
The astonishing growth of clergy involvement in deprogrammings continued. In March 1988, a meeting was held at the Japan Christian Hall, Nishi Waseda, Tokyo, calling itself the "UCCJ Liaison Committee on the Problems of the Unification Movement". Around 3O ministers discussed rescue methods and ways to improve their strategy. One plan, adopted by the conference, was to mobilize the whole UCCJ by publishing names and locations of the various "Rescuing Activities Offices" in its publication Friends of the Faithful magazine (Shino No Tomo). They also submitted a request to a UCCJ standing committee asking for funds to cover this campaign. Chairman, Shigeo Kuwahara, concluded the conference with a call for greater coordination between ministers. He stated, "If it is organized on a national level, we can expect much greater results".
However, as an account printed in Kirisuto Shinbun showed, despite whatever coordination they felt they lacked, their results were increasing dramatically:
Each region reported on their activities. In Hokkaido, they have set up an ecumenical group called the "People Concerned" (Yuryo Suru Kai), which has persuaded 150 UC members to turn from their beliefs. In Kyushu, they have begun to work on it region wide. They have received 120 applicants for consultation and 15 cases are now under persuasion by them. In Tokyo and Osaka, they held consultation meetings sponsored by the UCCJ regions. A total of 31 cases in Tokyo and 11 cases in Osaka were accepted for consultation. In Tokyo, the rescue rate hit 70% In the Kanto region, they set up a committee to consider counter measures and to begin rescuing UC members especially in the Saitama and Tochigi Prefectures. On the other hand there was a report that some regions have not started this activity yet, and that many regions have not allowed budgets for it. Several of the assembly members encouraged them to decide on a budget as soon as possible.
Intra-clerical networking, by now, was becoming the norm on both national and parish levels. The conference read out a statement that had been issued a month prior to it by the "Assembly of the Korean Christian Churches in Japan". Addressed to the Christian churches of the world, it warned: "The UC is calling on the name of Christ. However it is not a member of the body of Christ, but is a heresy".
Echoing the policy of the March gathering, the Osaka Parish sent out a letter to all its parishioners warning against any attempts at ecumenical dialogue by the UC. It stressed, "The saving program for victims of the UC has been successful. We need the cooperation of each pastor."
Clergy and the Courts
Such confidence among the ministers reflects not only their sense of conviction, but also the apparent impunity they enjoyed from legal restraint. However, there were exceptions:
Yoshio Shimitzu (UCCJ) was sued for assault by Toru Yamamoto (UC) after he had attempted to forcibly enter a UC center on August 25 1988. In another case, in October 1988, Sekai Nippo reported that three UC women sued Hideo Iijima (UCCJ, Shizuoka), Koji Saito (Japan Evangelical Lutheran Yaizu Church, Shizuoka) and Mitsuo Toda (Professional Deprogrammer) for kidnapping and incarceration. In August 1989, Rev. Moriyama was sued for similar charges by Maho Takei (UC). A charge against Rev. Takeo Funada (United Church of Jesus Christ of Japan) and Rev. Matsunaga (UCCJ), brought by three UC members in December of that year, was dropped through lack of evidence. One year before, Funada had also had a case brought against him dropped when the plaintiff was informed that to continue with the case would have led to him incriminating his own parents. Funada's opposition to the UC has been particularly aggressive. In 1988 he wrote an article, printed in the July 10th issue of his Kyoto Seito church weekly newspaper, mentioning a recent trip to the city of Nagoya together with 15 of his congregation to hand out biblical tracts.
The UC members of Nagoya have a slightly different account of his visit. On two occasions Funada's party, which included a young UCCJ minister called Makoto Sugimoto and a JCP activist called Kansei Sakai, attacked both the UC center and the members themselves. Photographs and a video exist recording these incidents, which took place on June 19 and July 3 of that year.
The sheer volume of kidnappings, not surprisingly, created enormous stress among the UC members themselves. This, coupled with the frustrating prospect of dealing with a slow moving legal process, led some members to take actions of their own. Hirofumi Tamaru made a name for himself by forcing his way into the house of his friend, Kazuaki Uyeki, who was being deprogrammed by the tenacious Funada. He also found his way into court after Uyeki's parents sued him for trespass. Funada, who came to give evidence, ended up having to defend his own practice and, as a result, was forced to make some embarrassing disclosures about the nature of his work. Still, he was not the one being prosecuted. Tamaru was found guilty of the charge and ordered to pay costs.
A clear example of the interaction between the various opposition groups mentioned is the series of events arising from a kidnapping which took place in August 1987.
By the time Masashi Yoshimura's case had reached its conclusion in the Supreme Court, some two years later, his parents, ministers, professional deprogrammers, the liberal bar association and even the Japanese organized crime ring, the Yakuza, had all been shown to be implicated.
Yoshimura was kidnapped on the day of his departure from a Kyoto hospital, where he had been treated for a stomach condition. A female UCCJ minister called Kyoko Kawasaki had recommended an experienced deprogrammer named Mitsuo Toda to Yoshimuras parents for this task. It was Toda's suggestion that they take advantage of the opportunity their son's hospitalization presented and he arranged for three members of the Yakuza to carry out the actual kidnappings.
Handcuffed and tied with rope to his parents, Yoshimura was taken to an airstrip just outside Tokyo, where a light aircraft was waiting to fly them north to Hokkaido. Satoshi Shimatani, the 58-year-old pilot and vice president of "People Concerned", was to receive 1 million yen for this single night flight; the cost of the whole operation being estimated to be around 10 million yen. Once in Sapporo, Hokkaido, Yoshimura was taken to a specially converted apartment where he was to spend the next 76 days. His initial attempt at a protest fast achieved little success after Toda had convinced his parents not to worry, that "UC members are trained to fast for 20 days". After the fourth day, sensing it was useless to continue, he gave up.
Kyoko Kawamoto along with another UCCJ minister, Eiji Enomoto, helped Toda throughout this deprogramming. In a statement, later given to the Asahi Shinbun, the UCCJ claimed "there was a lot of objection in this committee about setting iron bars in the windows". Presumably this also applied, though it made no specific mention, to the double locks put on all the doors. Such concerns, however, did not appear to be on the minds of Kawasaki and Enomoto as they daily visited the apartment to question Yoshimura.
So far, apart from the addition of the Yakuza involvement, this was a fairly standard deprogramming. It was not until a friend of Yoshimura's traced his whereabouts and managed to get a writ of Habeas Corpus issued on September 17, that events became more complex. Rather than the seven day statutory period stipulated for a person to be brought to court, after a writ is issued, one month actually elapsed before the three judges called a preparatory meeting and a further 15 days before the hearing proper started. During all of this time Yoshimura's deprogramming continued.
With the absence of the detainee the court has to appoint a lawyer. In this case a local man, Hiroyuki Iwaki, was assigned. That this was to be his first case hardly encouraged Yoshimura. Nevertheless, when he visited Yoshimura's "cell" on September 23, he promised to have him freed within seven days. In reality it was not until October 30, almost six weeks later, before he returned a second time; this being two days after the hearing itself had begun.
Even then, it took Yoshimura to protest before Iwaki made arrangements for him to attend the court. Toda on the other hand was better prepared. Thanks to the links "Parents Concerned" had with the liberal bar association, he could call on six lawyers to be present in the courtroom and a further 120 to work on the case throughout the country. He was also given plenty of opportunities to use them as by far the majority of court time went to both Toda and the parents to present their case, time they used well.
One of the witnesses they called was the brother of a female UC member, who told the court how his mother had thrown herself under a railway train after his sister had escaped a kidnapping attempt; one which was organized by the same Kyoko Kawasaki. Yoshimura's lawyers eventually lodged a complaint over the disparity in time given to the two parties. As a result, the judges adjourned momentarily only to decide on returning that Yoshimura's lawyer, Iwaki, should be allowed to speak; still Yoshimura was not called to testify. Later, in perhaps the most bizarre event of all, the presiding judge announced he was going to leave the proceedings midway and not make his decision until November 18. In the meantime Yoshimura was ordered to return to the same apartment.
Throughout all of this period, Yoshimura had been under tremendous stress; not only the ordeal of the kidnapping itself, the long days of confinement and continual questioning, but also being faced with a very unsympathetic court, a lawyer who had begun to side more with his parents views and now finally being ordered back to the apartment by the judge himself.
On November 1, in what came close to nervous breakdown, Yoshimura, martial arts black belt, set about destroying all the furniture in the room. It had an effect; so worried were his parents at the deterioration in his mental state, they began to give him time of his own to walk outside. On one such afternoon walk, on November 10, he did not return.
The local UCCJ newspaper Hokkai-Kyoku Tsushin claimed he had run away to prevent having to further incriminate the UC. Asahi Shinbun also picked up on this, although later printed an apology. Yoshimura's own account was slightly different. He claims that when Iwaki, his lawyer, had visited the apartment on October 30, it was in response to a letter he had written to the Judge asking for temporary release, in return for which the UC member had pledged not to escape before the hearing had concluded. During this visit Iwaki told Yoshimura he would have an answer from the Judge within three days. Yet, when by November 10 there had still been no reply to this, Yoshimura decided enough was enough and disappeared. Indeed, Iwaki later admitted to Yoshimura that he never did present the report to the Judge.
The conduct of the Judge was the cause of an appeal taken by UC lawyers to the Supreme Court, but they refused to hear it. Still, Yoshimura went on to publish his account of the event and his disclosures caused some major changes in the Hokkaido ACM. Not least was that they completely disowned Toda himself. In many ways this was a mutual decision as buried among the various interest groups that made up the ACM were some very serious divides.
Most embarrassing for the clergy was Toda's connection with the Yakuza. For Toda, he had been extremely perplexed to find himself associated with so many card-carrying JCP lawyers during the court case. He may have been an out and out opportunist, but still he had his right-wing principles, not to mention his dubious friends. He resigned his post in April 1988.
Indeed, troubles for Toda had been continuing since December 1987, when he was sued for his part in the kidnappings of five UC members. It was only after he apologized and promised not to take part in any further incidents that the UC dropped the suits. Perhaps not an entirely satisfying result for the UC, but at least it prevented incurring the wrath of the Yakuza. The case-aftermath also netted Sadao Asami who found himself on the receiving end of a law suit after he had claimed Yoshimura was "mentally ill", at a meeting in Yokohama city. There, he had told the 200 or so clergy, lawyers and parents present that Yoshimura had "gone for treatment at Kyoto University Medical Department". In reality he had gone to the general outpatient section for a check up concerning his previous stomach complaint.
For the Hokkaido group, the publicity surrounding Yoshimura's case became most uncomfortable. In what amounted almost to an apology, Toda's former pilot Shimatani, in an interview for Asahi Shinbun, claimed that "People Concerned" had stopped its kidnapping activities and that the apartment was now being used only for meetings. Less this should be construed as a sign of total submission, he also added "this activity will be done more by the families themselves from now on."
Yet, certainly there was a noticeable drop in the number of cases that involved clergy, recorded on Hokkaido in 1989. The UC report to the World Council of Churches lists only four cases and all carried out by the same person. This time not a minister and not even Japanese, but a French martial arts expert called Pascal. He qualified for the WCC list presumably because of his links to the Church of the Twelve Apostles in Hokkaido. Whatever the case, his other membership to "People Concerned in Hokkaido", contradicts Shimatani's claim that the group had ceased kidnappings by then.
Deprogrammings elsewhere remained business as usual and according to the same UC report a total of 95 cases involving ministers alone were positively identified in 1989. Yet, there is evidence that the whole issue of mental hospitals was becoming increasingly sensitive to the Clergy themselves. In a lengthy article in the Christian News Satoshi Moriyama dismissed the UC for "writing things as they please". By this he was specifically referring to UC claims that members had been sent to mental hospitals and even raped by deprogrammers.
Frankly it is impossible that Moriyama, who published the first attacks on the UC back in 1966 and has been prominent in the ACM from the beginning, would not have been aware of either the 25 habeas corpus cases involving mental hospitals, or indeed the Maruyama rape incident.
It seems more likely he was seeking to pre-empt any shift in liberal support due to the ACM's previous wholehearted endorsement of such methods of treatment. This was after all the only significant issue in which the courts had ruled against them. If so, this would also explain a similar story, which had appeared in the Kyodan Times, one month earlier.
By this time the ACM were dealing with potential target areas on a parish level and, on May 16, Tokyo's region 6 held a seminar on the "Moonie Problem", organized by Rev. Norihisha Yamakita from the Hijirikagaoka Church. Apart from proclaiming his successes in some "30 consulting cases" the article noted that three ex-members had been called to give their testimonies. One member described how she was "told by the UC" what would happen to her when "rescued". This included "being restrained, given shots and confined in a mental hospital". Finally, the article noted "It gave a glimpse of the inside story of the UC and shocked the participants". How could the Moonies think up such things?
On September 22, 1989, Tokyo's region 9 was host to the ninth "Moonie Problem Liaison Association". The next meeting was on January 26, 1991 in region 6 and a two-day workshop was held three days later.
This served as a review of the 10 meetings held since October 1987 and the more than 100 "consultation" cases they claimed to have dealt with during that time. The result of so many such "consultations" is a large and growing number of angry young people. As previously mentioned, following a deprogramming, these ex-members have been encouraged to take an active role in the ACM itself. Mainly this had involved publishing accounts of their former church life, speaking out at ACM functions and taking part in further deprogrammings. Yet, in recent years, the LBA has presented them with a new opportunity.
Aided by these eager lawyers, the former members turned to the courts to seek compensation for their "lost years" spent in the UC. In one example, Yomiuri Shinbun printed a story, which listed 40 cases of former members claiming costs from the UC, totaling 400 million Yen (Approximately $3 million). The liberal bar association had been looking to find new targets once the marble vase cases had peaked, now it appeared they had found one. For the parents themselves, the settlements proved to be a good means of recouping the expensive costs of the deprogramming. For the UC, the painful irony of this situation is that, at a time when more members than ever are being kidnapped, it finds itself increasingly being asked by courts across the country to foot the bill.
Antipathy towards Unification Church doctrine and practice is clearly not restricted to Japan; controversy surrounding the church has transcended all cultural and national divides. Outside of Korea, the largest concentration of UC investment, besides Japan, has been in the US. Likewise, the US has also witnessed enormous opposition to UC activities. Yet, whereas America eventually came to experience a decrease in the level of deprogrammings, this has not been the case in Japan. Despite both having fully instituted constitutional guarantees of religious freedom, they have differed radically in the way these have been applied to the kidnapping issue. Why this should be so, involves factors contained within the cultural and social conditions of both countries.
The Broader Milieu
"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof."
U.S. Constitution - First Amendment.
American official policy toward religion was forged in 1787, when the Founding Fathers of America began the process of separation of church and state. The "self-evident" truths of religion were considered ample guarantees for a market place of free thought. As to exactly what is and is not self-evident, has been left for future generations to fathom. Rather, the priori concern of the founders was that federal government should not be given a mandate to define what constitutes a religion.
It fell upon one such future generation, 170 years later, to formulate the new, post-war Japanese constitution following the surrender of the Imperial Japanese Government, in 1945. That year, the Japanese had agreed to the Potsdam Declaration that, in its clause 10, demanded religious freedom. This enforced separation of church and state led William P. Woodard to write, "The religions of Japan will never again be what they were on September 2, 1945, the day the terms of surrender were signed aboard the battleship Missouri in Tokyo Bay". Its article 10 pronounced:
Freedom of Religion is guaranteed to all. No religious organization shall receive privileges from the state. nor exercise any political authority. No person shall be compelled to take part in any religious act, celebration rite or practice. The state and its organs shall refrain from religious education or any other religious activity.
A major American concern was to prevent a recurrence of the 1939 "Religious Organization Bill", in which Shintoism had been established as the state faith and all other religions placed under Government control. This had proven to be an extremely potent and volatile mix throughout the Second World War, something the allies were eager not to see return. Therefore, efforts leading to this new constitutional provision had begun abruptly after Japan's defeat in 1945. On New Years Day, 1946, the Japanese Emperor renounced all former claims to being "God in human form" (Akitsu Mi-Kami), thus widening the parameters of moral legitimacy to a flood of new religions. This, at least was true in most instances; for, as with the American situation there were to be exceptions.
As the previous chapters have shown Japanese UC members, who have gone to court claiming their constitutional rights, have found little sympathy. Even in habeas corpus cases where the UC was successful, the courts ruled against the parents only with great reluctance. For, as in all sectors of Japanese life, familial loyalties are considered more primary than individual liberties. Such Confucian traditions are very firmly entrenched, as Ellwood and Pilgrim noted, "the family is the fundamental social unit, with the father/son relationship the paradigmatic one within it, involving varying obligations on both sides".
This tendency towards custom over constitution, especially regarding domestic issues, was explained to one young CARP member by a police sergeant:
What? Confined? Who is helping you to get through your college education? Are you suing your parents, to whom you owe a great deal, for detaining you?
Similarly, America too has not been free from constitutional inconsistencies. Even at the time of the signing of the US charter, not everyone agreed with its egalitarian aims. This included the mainline churches themselves, many of whom supported the idea of an established national religion; their only proviso being that they be the particular denomination chosen. One reason for this was to safeguard against the growing number of contemporary fringe religious movements they were increasingly being forced to compete with. This point was well illustrated in a letter, written in 1764, to the "Society For The Propagation Of The Bible", Pennsylvania, by one Thomas Barton, some twenty years before the constitution was ratified:
The Church of England must surely prevail at last. She has hitherto stood her ground amidst all the rage of wildness and fanaticism; and while Methodists and New Lights have roamed all over the country, "Leading captive silly women" and drawing in thousands to adopt their strange and novel doctrines, the members of this church have held fast.
With the War of Independence went any hopes that the Anglican Church, or any other may have become the orthodox faith. Yet the contempt felt towards NRM's, which among other things were considered a threat to congregation size and therefore to parish finances, remained. As Barton's letter illustrates, vested interest can be an important player in the creation of misunderstandings.
Even after the constitution became fact, it still did not prevent some Americans from calling for selective legislation to be brought against unpopular groups. Then as now, public suspicion fueled by apostate atrocity stories, has brought strong protests to control such "cult" activities. At that time, the first amendment was a federal mandate, which did not prevent the States themselves from favoring, or disfavoring, particular denominations.
One bill, drawn up by the New York State legislature, in 1817, concerned the Quaker (Shaker) movement. It resulted from a case in which a former member had tried to gain custody of her children from her husband who remained part of the Shaker movement. The Bill went as far as to propose that all marriage contracts within the group could be dissolved and the children automatically granted to the parent who leaves the group.
In one instance, when certain states attempted to overcome dogmatic differences by reducing religious education simply to the Bible and Christ's life, there still remained a profound bias since the bible they chose was a protestant one. Eventually, complaints from other groups, such as the Catholics and Jews, resulted in the Supreme Court usurping the authority of the States by applying the fourteenth amendments ruling that, "No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States". Thus, full separation of Church and state was enacted.
At least this is so in theory, for there have been numerous cases of governmental intrusion in religious issues. Although a constitution may hope to steer a nation in a certain course, it always has to contend with the often-opposing force of cultural custom as well as base human prejudice. Ultimately, it is people rather than amendments who form the majority influence making a country.
This situation is further accentuated, in Japan, because its constitution can claim no wholly indigenous "founding father" status in its authorship. Not only is it very recent, being drawn up in 1947, but also it was written under stiff US supervision and has yet to be fully absorbed into the national psyche.
This still poses the question as to why the UC should have been singled out and persecuted so heavily in the first place, especially during a time of post-war religious tolerance when many hundreds of NRM's have proliferated in Japan; mostly with little or no opposition. Beckford, in his publication The Cult Problem in Five Countries, points to factors that are unique to the UC. One distinctive and major feature being that where other NRM's are homogeneous creations, derived from larger Buddhist and Shinto groups, the UC most certainly is not. Not only is it not Japanese but, more specifically, its Korean origin even in recent times invokes great shame to the parents of members.
In other ways too, the UC represents a radically different form of NRM; one which does not rest easily with the status quo. Its call for the total commitment of its membership and rejection of their family obligations, sending members to overseas missions, its overt political aspirations and fundraising methods all provoked an unfavorable response from Japanese society at large.
However, although these reasons may explain the specific enmity felt toward the UC, there still remains another important question. Many of the factors listed above are equally capable of explaining the origins of similar American antipathy. By themselves they do not account for the absence of any subsequent peaking and decline in deprogramming numbers, as in America - other factors are responsible for this.
The Anti-Cult Movements
In 1971, the same year that Teruko Honma began her kidnapping practice in Japan, Ted Patrick gave America its first recorded deprogramming. In both cases they were parents of members of a new religion, they also went on to organize the first anti-cult movements in their respective countries. Where Honma's daughter was a UC member, Patrick's son's encounter was with the Children of God movement. Yet, the nature of the ACM's differed in at least one major way. Although, the 1970's saw both groups look for quick growth, Japan, as shown, focused entirely on the UC; in America the direction was very different.
Patrick named his first group "FREECOG" (Free Our Children from the Children of God). As demand grew, Patrick and his partner William Rambur, expanded the group renaming it "Volunteer Parents of America" (VPA). In 1974, they attempted to reach national status, and changed the name into the "Citizens Freedom Foundation" (CFF).
Patrick, by this time had widened his scope of concern far beyond the Children of God as, for him, all the NRM's presented a similar menace:
Moon's a crook, plain and simple. They're all crooks. You name 'em; Hare Krishna, The Divine Light Mission, Guru Marahaj Ji, Brother Julius, Love Israel, The Children of God. Not a brown penny's worth of difference between any of 'em. I've taken 'em all on. Deprogrammed hundreds of kids from all those cults.
Other groups emerged besides these such as "Citizens Engaged in Reuniting Families" (CERF; Founded by Rabbi Davis in Scarsdale, NY), "Love our Children Inc." (Omaha, Nabraska), "Return to Personal Choice" (San Diego, California), "Citizens Organized for the Public Awareness of Cults" (Greensboro, North Carolina), "National Ad Hoc Committee Engaged in Freeing Minds" (FCEFM; Founded by George Slaughter) and "Individual Freedom Foundation Educational Trust" (IFFET). 
The increased support and prestige the US groups hoped to achieve by having a national organization, involved an enormous increase in their overheads. This point alone would plague the US ACM's throughout the seventies and become an unwanted focus of their activities. Shupe and Bromley noted that "anti-cult association newsletters were filled with requests and pleas for funds which never yielded large returns and much of the director's efforts were spent on simply trying to maintain near solvency".
As desperate appeals for money became the norm and the costs of keeping afloat fell upon an increasing few, they had to look to further means of raising funds. The costs of expanding the NRM's field of activity, to attempt to become the watchdog of all New Religious Movements in the USA, laid them open to problems, which appear not to have troubled the Japanese parent's groups. Teruko Honma's early group, "Yokokai" was every bit as ambitious as its US counterparts but, unlike those, it did not attempt to maintain an independent identity and status. Honma, has never felt it necessary to hide her links to the JCP and has certainly not been afraid to use either its money or facilities; a similar situation in America would certainly have spelled disaster for the ACM's. As it was this connection failed to make even one single headline in the Japanese press.
With the absence of any similar, singular benefactor, the American family organizations attempted to increase their budgets through seeking tax-exempt status, thus availing them to the major league charity givers. In turn, this would also signify increased legitimacy. Yet, the ACM's knew, going for legitimate money is hard when your business includes deprogramming.
To get around this and move further towards respectability, they embarked on major shifts in policy, unparalleled in Japan. From early on, there was the battle to make deprogramming itself, if not fully legitimate, at least morally justifiable. This was especially important to those actively involved in deprogramming, for the alternative they faced was the very real prospect of a prison cell.
This is something which, to date, the Japanese ACM's have not been called to do. Partly, this is because their feelings against the UC are shared by a great majority of Japanese society. It is also very difficult for Japanese people to regard such parental interaction, however drastic, as kidnapping in a legal sense. Indeed, being an association of parents automatically gives them the moral high ground. Perhaps, most significantly, unlike America, the Japanese ACM has so far not sought to impose any form of selective legislation against the NRM's. Certainly the liberal bar association has been vigilant in upholding existing statutes, especially regarding UC finances. They have also sought to embarrass the governing Liberal Democratic Party through its links with the UC, but they have fallen far short of trying to lobby for new laws. Because of this they have completely avoided one of the major hurdles the US ACM's have had to face; namely, the formation of numerous coalitions and ad hoc committees, as well as "friends of court" appeals.
Because the whole notion of discriminatory legislation is so antithetical to a democratic ethos, it is always very hard to find consensus for it. No matter how clear-cut the issue may seem or, in this case how evil the group may be perceived to be, there are always those who would instinctively oppose any such proposal on ideological grounds. Perhaps, even stronger still is the fear among them that some may also find themselves fellow victims, caught by the same net. Consequently, deprogrammers and others who sanctioned the enactment of special legislation in the US became the target of tremendous opposition.
Again this development has no parallel in Japan; firstly, by not seeking legislation they avoided a constitutional showdown and, secondly, their singular focus on the UC has prevented making unnecessary enemies. Perhaps in those early, breezy days the US ACM's were not aware of these unlikely coalitions that would form against them. At any rate, for the sake of funding and respectability, they had little choice but to press ahead. Certainly, through the brainwashing allegation, they felt their case was good.
The Mental Health Issue
Curiously, although in Japan the earliest cases involved the use of mental hospitals, there is little evidence that they made any serious attempt to formulate a systematic or even coherent brainwashing thesis. The psychiatrists, who treated UC members during their periods of confinement, at best issued highly implausible rationales: In the 1981 case of Toshiko Ueyama, after she threatened to sue the hospital's doctor, he informed her that her remark was "the symptom of a disease called suit-oriented delusion". Later, on two other occasions during her detention, she was diagnosed as having "psychogenic reaction" and "personality disorders". Another member, who was caught praying in the hospital, was informed that his complaint was one of "worship oriented mental derangement". Even at a court level, the psychiatrists failed hopelessly in their attempts to muster a convincing defense for hospitalization.
In an incident where Dr. Ochie, director of Kuremagaoka hospital, was ordered to court to answer a writ of Habeas Corpus, his council did their best to justify the need for psychiatric detention:
The restrained showed the symptoms as described on the seperate medical certificate, upon which the restrainer, according to tenets of Article 33 of the Code of Mental Health, had the restrained enter the hospital for a detailed examination and treatment with the consent of his parents. Currently the patient is not completely cured and further hospitalization appears to be necessary.
The court disagreed stating, "It cannot be accepted that the restrained was diagnosed as being mentally disabled". Despite the hospital's claim that Ichikawa was still showing symptoms of mental disability, the court felt no actual proof existed to substantiate this. The presiding judge added that the certificates the defense had cited offered no specific name as to the alleged illness. As a result, the Court accepted the plea of Habeas Corpus.
Yet, so far the lack of such a convincing argument, beyond these isolated setbacks, has not proven to be a great inconvenience to the Japanese ACM. Rather, it has been sufficient for it to let claims of mental disorder remain at the level of unsubstantiated assumptions. Like the American deprogrammers, they have gained much support for their activities by promoting this mind control theme. Indeed, much of the early Japanese ACM rhetoric bares a striking resemblance to the claims of Ted Patrick. Tomigorro Goto once described UC practice as hypnotism:
It makes Japanese youngsters go insane...Eventually their critical thinking crumbles away and soon they will be slaves to the will of their superiors.
This theme was also carried in to print headlines such as, "People concerned to work with psychologists and theologians in treating UC members" and "Patients of the UC need psychopathelogical treatment".
The US ACM's, however, went much further. From very early on, Ted Patrick had promoted his brainwashing thesis if only to substantiate his other claim that deprogramming was a necessary antidote. Whatever the reasoning, his assertions that NRM's "all use the same set of techniques to turn their members into zombies," became common currency among the US ACM's and finding means to overcome that was clearly their avowed "raison d'etre". In calling for members to be restrained and, in some cases, hospitalized in the process of pulling them out of the NRM's, the ACM's knew they were treading on fundamental issues of religious liberty. Besides the question of civil rights for the particular individual, their allegations also touched on the very parameters of church-state separation.
The main argument of the ACM was that where religious conversion maybe out of the hands of government, mind control is not. In support, Richard Delgado, assistant professor of law at the University of California, argued it was possible to prize the cults free from the protection of the first amendment.
He did this by differentiating between the beliefs and practices of such groups; the later he posited were more subject to debate and investigation:
A review of legislative hearings, reports of attorneys general, court opinions and writings of clinical psychologists and psychiatrists suggests that the harms are severe enough to warrant judicial concern.
In another major difference to Japan, the US saw the mind control prognosis taken up and elaborated by established psychologists; notably Margaret Singer and John Clark. These linked cult mind control to Robert Lifton's pioneering research on alleged brainwashing techniques, carried out on US POW's, by the Chinese during the Korean War. They claimed this gave scientific credence to the pronouncements of the ACM as, indeed, did their own appearances as expert witnesses at trials and hearings.
Dr. Clark's research divided people susceptible to such extremist groups into two categories; "restitutive" and "adaptive". The restitutive group being schizophrenics who "no longer think or act effectively" and the adaptive group being identified as normal on entry to the cult, but who eventually end up having; the same classic psychotic or neurotic symptoms, such as schizophrenia, suicide, loss of ego boundaries, and an inability to differentiate between reality and fantasy".
So subtle are these symptoms of brainwashing, he claimed, that they could not be adequately detected by "ordinary methods of psychiatric diagnosis". The arguments he and others gave proved very effective. Yet, as time went by, the partisan activities of the pro-deprogramming psychologists resulted in their becoming increasingly isolated from their fellow professionals. In the mid 1980's, the Board of Social and Ethical Responsibility for Psychology (BSERP) of the American Psychological Association (APA) commissioned a team to investigate the NRM's. It was called "The Task Force on Deceptive and Indirect Methods of Persuasion and Control" (DIMPAC) and included Dr. Margaret Singer.
The report, which they eventually submitted to BSERP, was rejected by it for lacking "the scientific rigor and even handed critical approach necessary for APA imprimatur." So thorough was BSERP's rejection that they added, "The Board cautions the Task Force members from using their past appointment to imply BSERP or APA support or approval of the positions advocated in the report". In 1989, Singer's reputation received a further blow when a California superior court judge dismissed evidence she gave in the Molko-Leal v HSA UWC case as "value judgments disguised as expert psychiatric opinion". The dismantling of the mind-control thesis, at least on a professional level, has done much to check the efficacy of the deprogrammers in the US.
Yet, whereas America sought proof, in Japan assumptions have been sufficient. Once the undesirability of the UC became accepted among the members parents, the eventual withdrawal of mental hospital facilities became merely a hurdle and not a deterrent. Instead the WCC report shows that they simply moved operations inside the parents' houses, without any similar drop in case numbers.
There is no evidence in Japan of any significant court condemnations and precedent-setting rulings regarding kidnapping. Even where habeas corpus writs were issued, these were all treated case by case. Although, it is true that the Japanese ACM has so far failed to gain legitimacy from its larger society, it has also not received condemnation either. There has been no APA-style inquiry into the psychiatrists behavior, or indeed any independent study of any other issue for that matter. This has not been the case in America. The present US tolerance towards the ACM's no longer extends to coercive deprogramming. The connection may well still exist, but it can do so only on a small and decidedly covert level.
However, it was once a very different story. To begin with the wind was definitely in favor of the US ACM's. The call to "do something about the Moonies" was growing and they soon found politicians willing to lend their names and influence to helping them. Few, at this time, let details of church-state separation cloud the issue; their interest was seen as a legitimate response to constituent concern.
Besides, those states that moved towards enacting legislation were resolute that joining such a group had little to do with genuine conversion, rather it was seen more as a sign of at least temporary mental disorder. In March 1974, State Senator Myrvyn M. Dymally, Chairman of California's Senate Sub-Committee on Children and Youth, convened a hearing entitled "Impact of Cults on Today's Youth". Two years later, on February 18th, 1976, Senator Robert Dole of Kansas presided over what he called a "question and answer session" into the activities of the Unification Church and others, at the Dirksen Senate Caucus Room, Washington.
The Senator worked closely with Rabbi Maurice Davis and Rev George Swope, who had organized their own anti-cult group called CERF (Citizens Engaged in Rescuing Families). Both of whom, at the time, were active proponents of deprogramming. Yet, their broad-based motives began to alert concern; for one thing Rabbi Davis was also involved in combating a Jewish conversion group, called Melech Yisrael (King of Israel), which he accused of being "spiritual Nazis" for turning Jewish youth to Jesus. Patrick also had first been arrested for kidnapping a member of the New Testament Missionary Fellowship, Daniel Voll.
His other victims included political activists, homosexuals, and mainline church members besides a whole range of NRM followers. By the time Dole called his second hearing in 1979; prompted in no small measure by the Jonestown Mass Suicide one year before, there was a growing voice of resistance to the wants of the ACM and its supporters.
In the summer of 1976, a Tucson psychiatrist called Dr. Kevin Gilmartin was involved with others, including a used car salesman and protιgι of Patrick's called Joe Alexander, in setting up a rehabilitation center at a Ranch in Tucson Arizona. In a parallel to Japan, their "Freedom Thought Foundation" came into being the same year that Goto and Maruyama established their Shinsei-kai institute. Likewise, it also lasted for two years; finally being closed in December 1978, due to a deluge of law suits brought by the NRM's themselves. One important difference, however, was that the Tucson group tried to go beyond previous vigilante approaches and go through the courts to gain custody of the members. Two Arizona based attorneys Michael Trauscht, a special attorney for Pima County's finance department in Tucson, Arizona and Wayne Howard, managed this through obtaining writs of Habeas Corpus.
So things continued until a case was brought against them by a member of the Children of God sect called Marcus Rankin, in which they were found to have illegally used these writs to gain custody in other states beyond Arizona. Rankin also claimed that the judge in granting them the guardianship order was part of that conspiracy. The court ruled that only if the judge was found to have granted an invalid guardianship in clear absence of all jurisdictions, should he not be entitled to immunity from a civil rights action.
Another major problem came as a result of the "Faithful Five" case heard by the neighboring California State court of appeals. In this, an earlier decision of a California lower court (March 24th, 1977) to grant conservatorship orders over five UC members; Barbara Underwood, Janice Kaplan, John Hovard, Leslie Brown and Jacqueline Katz. was reversed.
His statement that "a child is still a child even though a parent may be 90 and the child is 60" might have been acceptable in Japan, but not so West Coast America. He was very heavily rebuked for allowing his opinion to over-ride what many others considered to be the real issues of the case. Articles appeared condemning his decision in the New York Times and Oakland Tribune, as well as reports that were broadcast on ABC TV.
The case was also featured in a lengthy article, in the Fordam Law Review, where John E. LeMoult wrote that the Judge had "issued orders appointing conservators without finding that the conservatees were insane, incompetent, or unable to manage their own property". This effectively blocked any further conservatorship orders from being used for this purpose, at least in the State of California. In its way it was a landmark decision, not least because it provoked the ACM to call instead for new legislation. Yet these attempts also failed. 1981 the courts of appeals ruled, following a lawsuit brought by a UC member, Tom Ward, that the same civil rights afforded to a racial minorities should be also be granted to religious groups.
The only defense the deprogrammers could use now was one of "necessity", or "a choice between evils". For although admitting guilt on a certain level they claimed that by removing the person from the cult they were preventing the greater injury of mind-control. It proved very successful, especially when used in front of a jury and supported by the previously mentioned "expert witnesses".
However, a major break in this came, in 1988, when the Colorado court of appeals disagreed with a lower court ruling. To quote the Nov 28th, 1988 editorial in the Rocky Mountain News:
The Colorado Court of Appeals has sensibly rebuked Judge Robert Hyatt for allowing a broad ranging inquiry into the Unification Church's activities, including its methods of recruitment. "The presentation of such evidence thus extended an invitation to the jury to consider the morality and desirability of church doctrine and practices rather than whether, in fact, the victim was threatened by the prospects of grave imminent injury," the appeal court said.
Of the contrasts highlighted so far, there is nothing that remotely compares to the stark difference in the Christian responses of Japan and America. From an ethical perspective, the Japanese clergy have clearly been "listening to a different drummer".
Yet, the intense zeal with which they set about promoting their craft denotes a shift in emphasis, rather than a total abandoning of their calling. The ministers involved had no intention of simply giving Buddha back his children; from early on they realized that their opposition to the UC offered them a major entrιe into the homes of the "Gentile" majority in Japan.
An article, which appeared in the UCCJ Kirisuto Shinbun, spoke of the need to "let the issue be dealt with in the context of our missionary work". It was indeed for them possibly the greatest breakthrough in years in increasing the scope of Christian influence. The parents understood well enough that by themselves they had no capacity to argue, let alone defeat, their children's new found doctrine. As one minister lamented on a failed deprogramming:
The problem with this case was that the parents believed in Tenri-kyo, did not have a scientific view, believed their religion would overcome the beliefs of the UC...and moreover, spoiled their daughter and believed anything she said. Therefore, did not have a good foundation for the struggle.
Throughout all of these deprogrammings, it is not clear how successful the ministers were in converting any of the parents themselves. It seems, the clergy were retained only to provide a service and, once the child was back in the bosom of the family, duly paid off. They appear, instead, to have had far greater success in converting the members themselves. Evidence to show that, from very early on, this was in the mind of at least some of the clergy, came to light in the case of Toshiko Ueyama. When Shinya Waga was approached to deprogram her in May of 1980, he demanded that her parents first sign a statement declaring that if she should leave the UC they would not object to her joining the Seventh Day Adventists.
In America, a major element of the early reaction to the US ACM's came from the religious community. The National Council of Churches (NCC), although no friend of the UC, held with utter contempt the very notion of coercive deprogrammings and was appalled at the arbitrary criteria under which NRM's were marked. The only extenuating link between the cases appeared to be that the member's parents disagreed with them.
This again highlights a major difference between US and Japanese responses.
As early as 1974, the governing board of the NCC condemned such actions, and published a statement clarifying its own position that "Parents have the ultimate responsibility for the religious nurture of their children until they become adults in their own right". It also added "Kidnapping for ransom is heinous indeed, but kidnapping to compel religious deconversion is equally criminal" This was also followed by similar reports from the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) as well as a plethora of other religious bodies They were also extremely wary of government intrusions of religious liberty under any pretext. Shocking for them was the 1976 Dole hearing, which began with the assumption that mind-control was a given fact and sought means of combating the groups responsible.
For those with "eyes to see" it was a case of holding a trial after the lynching. This was made apparent by a letter Dole sent, to the Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service, one month prior to this meeting.
The well documented process of training and initiation activities appear to substantiate that the group is based more on mind control and indoctrination than on religious faith.
Dole's second hearing provoked more organized outrage. Again the Senator had invited leading deprogrammers such as Rabbi Davis, Ted Patrick and Joe Alexander. This time, however, due to pressure from a group of Washington ministers led by Rev. Barry Lynn (United Church of Christ) he was obliged to add four religious liberty activists as witnesses. These were Rev. Lynn, Rev. Dean Kelley of the National Council of Churches, theologian Herbert Richardson and Jeremiah S. Gutman (ACLU). All of whom have remained consistently vocal in their criticism of the deprogrammers. As too, have many others; in the Molko-Leal v. HSA UWC case, 24 briefs of amicus curiae were filed in support of the UC.
This does not mean that there has been total unanimity on this point; Rabbi Davis is but one example of a religious figure lending his weight to the deprogramming argument.
However, these have been conspicuous exceptions to the rule. In 1986, the World Council of Churches and the Lutheran World Federation that urged convened a conference in Amsterdam
"Christian clergy and churches in general to recognize and take seriously the fact that the NRM's are part of religious pluralism."
Out of this conference was published a book which clearly opposed deprogramming. A few months prior to this, in May 1986, the Vatican had also condemned such methods in its own report on the NRM's.
On April 27, 1987 a large ecumenical conference was held at the American Catholic University which included Catholics, Protestants and the NRM's themselves, all of which illustrates a far more conciliatory approach towards the NRM's in the US and West generally. The feeling was more that, though the NRM"s indeed posed a challenge to Christianity, it was a healthy one; "we are challenged and we must let ourselves be challenged as individuals and in community lest we all grow old and stop moving together."
Nevertheless, although the Japanese ministers remained totally unmoved by their Western peers and seemed as resolute as ever, there is some evidence to suggest that Japanese society itself was not totally imbued by their actions. At the beginning of 1988, a Korean minister, called Pak Yoneo, was forced to resign after he found himself involved in an embarrassing incident over a New Year's card, which he sent. The card was delivered to a wrong address after a mailman failed to notice the all important "anti" in front of the "Principle Movement" title and put it into a UC mail box. The card was intended as a form of self-promotion for his deprogramming service and he included in his resume two previous "successes". It was the subsequent UC publication of the letter that led to Pak's eventual resignation.
It would be something of an oversimplification to suggest that merely because certain concerned groups began to speak out, that the situation suddenly took a sharp reversal in the US. It took a great deal of lobbying, not to mention enormous investment, on the part of the UC before America began to see a decrease in the numbers of kidnappings. In fact the cases still continued to increase up to 1976, and it was well into the 1980's before the decline became noticeable.
Bromley concludes this was due, in no small part, to the roughly parallel decrease in new UC converts, but though this may be partly true, there are clearly other contributing factors; indeed, what had happened was that, unlike Japan, a chain of events had begun to be set in motion. The American ACM was forced through circumstance to attempt far more ambitious heights than their Japanese counterparts. Once the existing laws refused to sanction deprogramming, efforts were made to change the law; once that also failed the ACM tried to distance itself from its own founding fathers and traded deprogramming for something it called exit counseling.
The deprogrammers were still out there, but it was "out there"; the days when Ted Patrick could hold rallies at the White House and be the talk of academic and media circles are long gone. Instead he and his descendants returned to the vigilante lifestyle they knew best.
What started that "chain of events" began with the intense efforts of the American UC to fight back. The mid 1970's saw many examples of an aggressive strategy of countermeasures. One was the formation of a special task force set up by former UC president, Farley Jones, to counter the "Citizens Freedom Foundation" and other groups. Neil Salonen, then current UC president, as well as Bo Hi Pak and Joe Tully, also instigated numerous press conferences and court actions as well as lively "Talk-show" confrontations, all to refute the avalanche of accusations brought against the UC. In one incident where a parent, James Sheeran, claimed to have been assaulted by UC members, Tully went as far as publicly challenging him to take a lie detector test.
Besides these "reactionary" measures, they also took more positive steps to change the climate facing them. One way they did this was to turn the accusations made against them into a broader issue of religious liberty.
The best examples of this came with the Dole hearings, the Fraser Commission and Rev Moon's 1984 jail sentence itself. In the latter case, 40 amicus curiae briefs were filed in support of him by perhaps one of the most diverse coalitions ever assembled for a religious liberty issue. The later Molko-Leal v. HSA UWC case, also saw 24 briefs filed. This is not to suggest that the strategy was successful in every aspect; indeed, half of the above cases ended in defeat for the UC, but the ground swell of support was nevertheless clearly growing and even UC opponents began to be more careful with their brainwashing epithets. As for the deprogrammers, many it appears gave up while others moved to Europe in search of fresher pickings.
After his last jail sentence was given to him in 1985 for breaking a previous parole condition, Patrick reappeared in Austria in April, 1987, where he narrowly escaped arrest for organizing the kidnapping of a 27 year old member of a group calling itself "Norweger Gemeinde". The woman, Kathrin Koberl, claims to have been handcuffed and taken by Patrick and 5 others from her home in Gratz, Austria, to a nearby forest and physically assaulted. After managing to escape she later pressed charges which led to her mother and 5 others being given 8-12 month suspended sentences. Patrick and one other avoided arrest. Yet in October of that year Delaware police issued a warrant for his arrest, this time for the kidnapping of a UC member David Byer.
The American UC has always been effective in mustering support from its contacts. The purchase on Jan 21, 1974, of what would become the Unification Theological Seminary, established an important bridge to the academic community. One which played a contributing role through the conference/dialogues, it later hosted, which motivated key theologians and sociologists such as Herbert Richardson, Frank Flinn and Richard Quebedeaux to make an important stand for the rights of the UC. This, at a very critical time, when the ACM's did indeed seem to hold all the other "aces".
Finally, dealing with this problem was felt to be high priority by the entire American church. It was not just that many felt themselves to be potential victims, but an attack on any part of the church was considered ultimately to be an attack on Rev. Moon and the furtherance of "the providence" in America. Accordingly, high priority meant the allocation of high sums of money and resources. Again, this is the direct opposite to Japan, yet this time the contrast derives entirely from differing cultural interpretations of the same ethic, rather than of intent.
Both churches clearly aimed to serve their founder's interests, but, for the Japanese, a far worse attack on "the providence", would be to divert money away from public concerns to what they considered a very private problem. It is true that the members still being lost, are marginal in comparison to those who are joining, but it would be wrong to suggest that alone explains Japanese UC hesitancy; for them, it is simply not high priority.
However, low priority does not mean no priority. The first three chapters of this thesis have listed numerous examples of UC attempts to tackle the deprogrammers, both through courts as well as through its own media arm, and chapter four has shown some of the reasons why they have been frustrated in these efforts. Yet, the fact is, that until recently, even within the American UC; let alone Western Christendom and beyond, there has been no comprehension of the magnitude of this problem. This has clearly been to the detriment of the Japanese UC position. Just as Teruko Honma looked to the Christians inside Japan for support, the Japanese UC would have done well to take their case to more receptive ears outside.
This, again, is not to suggest that no attempts at all were made to do this; a very extensive report compiled by Tadayoshi Ueno and Yukiyasu Fukuda was sent to the offices of Amnesty International, but it received scant if any attention. Rather than signaling a coordinated strategy, it was more a lone message in a bottle. As for the Japanese ACM, for all the damage that they may have inflicted on the UC they have achieved little else, for when one considers success in the Japanese context, one is really only talking of numbers and certainly not of prestige.
From the ACM side, the increase in deprogrammings should not be viewed as a sign of success, but of failure. The fact that after 20 years, the movement as yet was reduced to vigilante-style kidnappings signified the utter lack of response it had been able to garner from governmental authorities.
Still their actions measure only as a fringe activity carried out by fringe groups, who simply provide a helpful service to members of the Japanese middle class. It seems they will be allowed to continue provided they remain within the same narrow and semi-clandestine framework. The greatest danger to immediately face them, save a major tragic incident, is indeed the same fate that beset the US deprogrammers; namely, the rigorous scrutiny of western sociologists, psychologists, religious bodies, politicians et. al.
This would be especially damaging if it came from the Christian community itself, for a great many of the Japanese denominations involved, are themselves clearly acting in defiance of their own ruling bodies, be that the WCC, the Lutheran World Federation, or the Vatican itself. Just as it may have been the Japanese intense dread of shame that drove many parents to seek the deprogrammers services in the first place, it maybe precisely this same emotion that works to block the present Christian initiative, should their Western peers ever chose to enquire within.
1. WESTERN SOURCES - BOOKS
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Vatican Report, "Sects or New Religious Movements: Pastoral Challenge" (Washington, DC: US Catholic Conference, May 3, 1986).
Wood, Jr,James E. Religion, The State and Education (Waco, Texas: Baylor University Press, 1984).
Woodward, William P The Allied Occupation of Japan 1945-1952 and Japanese Religions, (Leiden, 1972)
Uozumi Eu, Tomoko "Translation of Documents Concerning Opposing Movements" Unification Theological Seminary, Barrytown, NY, Photocopy (Spring 1990).
2. WESTERN SOURCES - NEWSPAPER & JOURNALS
"Charges Spark Media Battle" New Hope News, (October 6, 1975)
"Committee to Combat Kidnappings" New Hope News (February 8, 1975)
"Deprogrammers, Beware: Clever Defense Won't Survive" Rocky Mountain News (November 28, 1988).
"Investigation Rumors Subside as Truth is Revealed" New Hope News (November 10, 1975).
Masataka, Ito "On The Track of the `Divine Sales' People" Japanese Quarterly (September 1987)
"Mr. Salonen Confronts Rabbi Davis and John Cotter" New Hope News (February 4, 1976)
"Our Response to Persecution" New Hope News, (March 8, 1976)
"Parents Rally Behind Church as Opponents Use Congressional Forum" New Hope News (March 8, 1976)
"Religious Conservatorship Laws Outlawed New Hope News (October 12, 1977)
"Religious Conservatorship Laws Outlawed" New Hope News (April 14, 1977)
Thelle, Notto R. "The Unification Church: A New Religion" Japanese Religions 9, No. 2 (July 1976).
"Victory: Stage One", New Hope News (April 1, 1977).
"Victory: Stage 2" New Hope News (April 14, 1977).
3. WESTERN SOURCES - INTERVIEWS
Matsuda, Haruo, interview by author, Barrytown, NY, June 5 1991.
Sudo, Ken, interview by author, Barrytown, N.Y., April 20 1991.
4. JAPANESE SOURCES - BOOKS
Murakami, Shigeyoshi Japanese Religions in the Modern Century (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1980)
Ueno, Tadayoshi and Fukudo, Yukiyasu The Gulag in Japan: Religious Persecution by the Communist Party (Tokyo: Research Institute on Communism and Religious Issues, 1984).
5. JAPANESE SOURCES - NEWSPAPER AND MAGAZINES
a. INDEPENDENT SOURCES
"Concerning Spiritual Sales Method, UC is Sued by Two Women For its Systematic Illegal Business" Asahi Shinbun (May 7, 1988).
"Deceptive Persuasion At Joining" Yomiuri Shinbun (April 5, 1991)
"Japanese Bar Association Infers UC Behind the Inspiration Business; JBA Report of an Investigation of the Sales Network of the Inspiration Business Concludes its Research" Asahi Shinbun (May 19, 1988)
"Settlement In Spiritualist Sales Method Case at 14 Million Yen" Asahi Shinbun (March 2, 1989).
"The Investigation is Over on Restraining of UC Members" Asahi Shinbun (March 17, 1989).
Asahi Shinbun (April 18, 1989).
Asahi Shinbun (March 17, 1989).
"Today's Witch-Hunting", Zembo (January 1989).
b. UC SOURCES
"A Beaten Man Sues Deprogramming Priest for Mayhem" Sekai Nippo (September 2, 1988)
"Forced Hospitalization is Illegal", Sekai Nippo (March 1, 1986)
Ueno, Tadayoshi Letter of Settlement written by Tadayoshi Ueno (UC Lawyer) and Satoshi Tano (Lawyer representing Koyodai Mental Hospital) October 13, 1986.
"Members of the UC Suing in Shizuoka" Sekai Nippo (October 27, 1988).
"Professor Asami Sued For Libel" Sekai Nippo (March 1, 1988).
"Reconciliation in the Inspiration Business Problem: The Plaintiffs and the UC Reach a Settlement" Sekai Nippo (May 22, 1988).
"Rev. Funada Admits to Deprogramming With Violence", Chuwa Shinbun (December 15, 1989)
"Rev. Funada Sued For Crime of Confinement: Denial of Charge Due to Laziness of Lawyer" Sekai Nippo (August 26, 1988).
"Special Committee for Kidnapping Cases" Watashi Wa Rachi-Kankin Sareta (Tokyo, Japan: Kogensha publishers, 1988).
Chuwa Shinbun (August, 1989).
Chuwa Shinbun (August, 1989).
Chuwa Shinbun (December, 1989).
Hirose, Akira Hantai Bokushi No Shinso (Revealed facts about the opposing Ministers), Tokyo: Committee of the Comparative Study of Religion, 1988.
Honma, Hatsuko "My Testimony", Shintenchi Magazine 218, (Nov 15, 1988).
Institute for Theological Studies A Critique of Asami Sadao (Tokyo: Kogensha publishers, 1989).
Katorikku Shinbun (July 7, 1985).
Kirisuto Shinbun, (April 9, 1988).
Kobayashi, Akio "A Petition". Addressed to Dr. Kyung Seo Park, Executive Secretary Asia, World Council of Churches, (April 10, 1991).
Mamore Jinken Report (Jan 15, 1988).
Matsumoto, Michiko "The Road Rev. Nishikawa Followed." Faith and Life (Tokyo: HSA UWC, Kougensha, 1976)
Shintenchi (November 15, 1988)
Written report on Akemi Yamamoto's condition, Mr. Kusada, Director of UC legal department, Kansai Region, (October 6, 1986)
Oyamada, Hideo, interview by author, Tokyo, Japan, December 1990.
Watanabe, Katsuyoshi, interview by author, Tokyo, Japan, December 1990.
Yoshimura, Masahashi, interview by author, Tokyo, Japan, November 1989.
d. CHRISTIAN SOURCES
"Consulted Cases Over 100", Kyodan Times (February 24, 1989)
"Diary of Ministry Counseling" Shuho (July 10, 1988) Weekly newsletter of Funada's Kyoto Seito Church, (Nihon Iesu Kirisuto Kyodan Kyoto Seito Kyokai)
"Learning The Reality of Rescue" Kyodan Times (June 4, 1988)
"Let the Issue Be Dealt With In the Context of Our Missionary Work" Kirisuto Shinbun (April 9th, 1988).
"Planning a Seminar on the Moonie Problem", Kyodan Times (May 7, 1988).
"Prevalent Damage" Kyodan Times (October 21, 1989)
"Rescuing of a Young UC Member" Kyodan Shimpo (November 13, 1986).
Kyodan Times (November 17, 1987)
"To the Congregation of the Osaka Parish" Osaka Parish News (April 23, 1988)
Fukuin Senkyo (May 1986), 53-58.
Hashimoto, Sanai "The People in Hokaido Concerned About the Secret Maneuvers of the Unification Movement" UCCJ of Hokido Newsletter (April 29, 1984)
Kyodan Times (Nov 29, 1986)
Moriyama, Satoshi "Public Interrogation of the UC" Christian News (April 17, 1988)
Moriyama, Satoshi Christian Shinbun, (April 17, 1988).
Uchida, Kazuhito "A Church With A Coffee Shop" Fukuin Senkyo (Nov. 1985)
"Kissaten No Aru Kyokai" (November 1985)
Ushiroku, Toshio "Official Statement Regarding the Unification Association and the Unification Movement", Kyodan Times (November 29, 1986)
e. COMMUNIST SOURCE
Akahata (March 13, 1971)
"UC is `False Christianity': Vatican Report to the World", Akahata (June 5, 1985).
 Michiko Matsumoto, "The Road Rev. Nishikawa Followed." Faith and Life (Tokyo: HSA UWC, Kougensha, 1976), 14.
 Ken Sudo, "HSA-UWC of Japan". Unification Theological Seminary, Barrytown, N.Y., Photocopy (May 1990), 1
 Michael L. Mickler A History of the Unification Church in the Bay Area: 1960-74, M.A. Thesis, Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley,(April, 1980.), 97.
 The Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity was not incorporated in Japan until July 17, 1964. Ibid.
 These included, Osami Kuboki, Yoshio Hoshino and Chiziko Joya (Abe). Sudo, "A Memoir From the Early Period of the Church in Japan", UTS, Photocopy (June 1990), 18
 Ibid. 24.
 Ibid. 25.
 Ibid. 31.
 Before returning as a missionary, Choi had previously lived in Japan under the name Masaru Nishikawa. Among Koreans, at that time, it was a common practice to assume a Japanese name. Sudo, "HSA-UWC of Japan", 2
 Sudo, "A Memoir", 19
 Notto R. Thelle, "The Unification Church: A New Religion" Japanese Religions 9, No. 2 (July 1976), 5.
 Akira Hirose Hantai Bokushi No Shinso (Revealed facts about the opposing Ministers), Tokyo: Committee of the Comparative Study of Religion, 1988.
 Haruo Matsuda, interview by author, Barrytown, NY, June 5 1991.
 Ken Sudo, interview by author, Barrytown, N.Y., April 20 1991.
 Sudo, "HSA-UWC", 3-6.
 Hatsuko Honma, "My Testimony", Shintenchi Magazine 218, (Nov 15 1988) 20-27.
 Tadayoshi Ueno and Yukiyasu Fukudo The Gulag in Japan: Religious Persecution by the Communist Party (Tokyo: Research Institute on Communism and Religious Issues, 1984), 164.
 Matsuda, interview
 The first volume was published on February 10, 1971. The second volume appeared a year later on October 7, 1972. Altogether five volumes were published. Thelle, 5. Fukuda and Ueno, 353.
 Fukuda and Ueno, 278-279.
 Akahata (March 13, 1971)
 Shigeyoshi Murakami Japanese Religions in the Modern Century (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1980), 168-169
 Fukudo and Ueno, 259-269.
 The JCP sought to incriminate the ruling Liberal Democratic Party through allegations of its links with IFVOC. This also was the practice of the Japanese Socialist Party (JSP). Ibid., 261-263 and 358-362.
 The Liberal Bar Association (Jiyu Hoso-Dan) was founded in 1920, but in 1945 the Japanese Communist Party reconstructed it and at present the JCP controls 95% of the executive positions. By the early eighties it had 30 chapters nationwide and had over 1000 members. It passed the following motion at its September '79 A.G.M. "To keep a watchful eye over the systematic false propaganda and unlawful acts of the IFVOC and fight resolutely in the cause of democracy and the people's freedom to frustrate its efforts". Ibid. 228-229.
 The Japanese National Relief Association is a group that was originally established in 1945, by the JCP, to look after communist P.O.W.'s released from jail. At their 35th national congress, in 1980, they attacked the UC and established a group called the "Society for Protecting Church Victims". Ibid. 230-231.
 The New Japanese Women's Club is one of many such groups set up or dominated by the JCP. At the beginning of the 1980's its membership was cited at 166,000; one member being Teruko Honma. Other groups include "The Women's Federation", "The Mothers Rally" and "The National Association of Women's Support Groups". Ibid. 206-210.
 The "Fraser Hearings" began on February 3, 1977 and examined certain areas of Korean-American relations; in particular the political influence of Sun Myung Moon and Tungsun Park. Bo Hi Pak, Truth Is My Sword (N.Y.: Unification Church of America, 1978), viii.
 Fukuda and Ueno, 241.
 Ibid. 244.
 This investigation was presented in a written reply to M. Ishibashi, Secretary General of the JSP. Ibid. 375-386.
 Ibid. 242-246.
 Ibid. 199.
 The 1800 Couple Blessing took place on February 8th, 1975, in Chang Chun Gymnasium, Seoul, Republic of South Korea. Although twenty nations were represented, by far the largest numbers of participants were from Korea (1782 members) and Japan (1594 members). Shintenchi, 24
 Fukuda and Ueno. 163.
 Ibid. 161-164.
 The main mental hospitals involved included; Koyama-Fujimada Hospital (Tochiga Prefecture) Wakasuka Hospital (Miyagi), Kinjokai Kichijoji Hospital (Chofu City, Tokyo), Seibu Hospital (Inuyama City), Midorigaoka Hospital (Kasuka Township, Tomakomai City) and Koyodai Hospital, Ochiai-cho, Okayama Prefecture. Red-Cross institutions refused to handle these cases, as did other reputable hospitals. Instead it tended to be more third-rate institutions that were involved. Ibid. 160.
 Murakami, 161-162.
 See page 11.
 Fukudo and Ueno, 266.
 "Height of Rashness: Mass Wedding" (1/26/75), "Sun Myung Moon Marries 1600 Couples Despite Opposition" (2/2/75), ""Serious After Effects of Mass Wedding" (2/9/75), "Catholic Churches Protest: False Religious Activities" (2/16/75), "Nagoya Parents Protest" (3/16/75), Local Churches Join to Protest The Day of Hope" (4/6/75). Ibid. 167.
 On April 27, 1975, Honma and Arao Arai's group, "Parents of Victims of the Principle Movement" (Genri Undo Taisaku Fubo No Kai), held a meeting at the Yamanote Church. This group was also known as "The Association of Parents to Counter the Unification Movement". Fukuda and Ueno, 353.
 See page 16.
 Fukuda and Ueno, 170.
 Ibid., 274.
 In November 1972 she caused a disturbance at the UC headquarters in Akita prefecture. In December of that year she was arrested for trespassing. In January 1975, with many others, she broke into a series of UC centers. This she repeated in April, that year, and again in March 1976, causing extensive damage. Ibid. 353.
 See, Robert Boettcher The Gifts of Deceit (NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1980).
 Fukuda and Ueno, 269-270.
 Akio Kobayashi, "A Petition". Addressed to Dr. Kyung Seo Park, Executive Secretary Asia, World Council of Churches, (April 10 1991)
 Fukuda and Ueno, 171.
 See page 17.
 Settlements against the hospitals themselves have been substantial. In one case, on February 28 1986, Ochi was ordered to pay 2.5 million Yen for the hospitalization of three UC members. "Forced Hospitalization is Illegal", Sekai Nippo (March 1 1986)
 Fukuda and Ueno, 22.
 Ibid. 59.
 Ibid. 134-135.
 Ibid. 127-128.
 Letter of Settlement written by Tadayoshi Ueno (UC Lawyer) and Satoshi Tano (Lawyer representing Koyodai Mental Hospital) October 13, 1986
 Written report on Akemi Yamamoto's condition, Mr. Kusada, Director of UC legal department, Kansai Region, October 6 1986.
 Fukuda and Ueno, 269.
 Institute for Theological Studies A Critique of Asami Sadao (Tokyo: Kogensha publishers, 1989), 12.
 Hashimoto, 17
 Shintenchi, 35
 Kazuhisa Uchida Fukuin Senkyo (The Gospel Missions) "Kissaten No Aru Kyokai" (November 1985), 55
 Kazuhito Uchida, "A Church With A Coffee Shop" Fukuin Senkyo (Nov. 1985), 54-55
 Katoriku Shinbun (July 7, 1985), 1.
 "UC is `False Christianity': Vatican Report to the World", Akahata (June 5, 1985).
 Fukuin Senkyo (May 1986), 53-58.
 The statement was made on November 13, 1986. The author of the article was the chairman of the 24th council of the UCCJ.
Toshio Ushiroku, "Official Statement Regarding the Unification Association and the Unification Movement", Kyodan Times (November 29, 1986).
 "Rescuing of a Young UC Member" Kyodan Times (November 13, 1986).
 The meeting was held at the UCCJ Hall, 2-3-18, Nishiwaseda, Shinju-ku, 160 Tokyo. Kyodan Times (November 17, 1987)
 See Ito Masataka,"On the track of the `Divine Salespeople' Japanese Quarterly (September 1987).
 Matsuda, interview
 In Japan, the title of the law governing official church status is "Shykyou Houzin Hou".
 "Japanese Bar Association Infers UC Behind the Inspiration Business; JBA Report of an Investigation of the Sales Network of the Inspiration Business Concludes its Research" Asahi Shinbun (May 19, 1988)
 The name of the LBA group formed to work on this case was "The Hukuoka Lawyers party for the Salvation of Victims of the Inspiration Business".
 "Concerning Spiritual Sales Method, UC is Sued by Two Women For its Systematic Illegal Business" Asahi Shinbun (May 7, 1988).
 "Reconciliation in the Inspiration Business Problem: The Plaintiffs and the UC Reach a Settlement" Sekai Nippo (May 22, 1988).
 "Settlement In Spiritualist Sales Method Case at 14 Million Yen" Asahi Shinbun (March 2, 1989).
 "Today's Witch-Hunting", Zembo (January 1989). See also, Chuwa Shinbun (August, 1989).
 Kawasaki published a pamphlet entitled "The Youth Who Joined the UC: The Earlier Rescue the Better."
 "Special Committee for Kidnapping Cases" Watashi Wa Rachi-Kankin Sareta (Tokyo, Japan: Kogensha publishers, 1988), 15.
 Zembo (January 1989)
 Kyodan Shimpo (Nov 29, 1986).
 Notto R. Thelle "The UC: A New Religion" Japanese Religions 9 (July 1976), No. 2, 13.
 "Let the Issue Be Dealt With In the Context of Our Missionary Work" Kirisuto Shinbun (April 9th, 1988).
 "To the Congregation of the Osaka Parish" Osaka Parish News (April 23, 1988)
 "A Beaten Man Sues Deprogramming Priest for Mayhem" Sekai Nippo (September 2, 1988)
 "Members of the UC Suing in Shizuoka" Sekai Nippo (October 27, 1988).
 Chuwa Shinbun (August, 1989).
 Chuwa Shinbun (December, 1989).
 "Rev. Funada Sued For Crime of Confinement: Denial of Charge Due to Laziness of Lawyer" Sekai Nippo (August 26, 1988).
 "Diary of Ministry Counseling" Shuho (July 10, 1988) Weekly newsletter of Funada's Kyoto Seito Church, (Nihon Iesu Kirisuto Kyodan Kyoto Seito Kyokai)
 Although Funada denied carrying out any kidnappings he admitted in court to having set up a group called Migiwa-Kai, at his Saito church, which advises parents on how to plan the incarceration. He also admitted to having visited 11 UC members during their deprogrammings, in full knowledge of their circumstance. He also admitted to advising parents when their children are ready to be released. "Rev. Funada Admits to Deprogramming With Violence", Chuwa Shinbun (December 15, 1989)
 Mamore Jinken Report (Jan 15, 1988), 1-28.
 56-year-old Toda was also the president of "People Concerned in Hokkaido" and had previously been involved with Sani Hashimoto's 1984 "Sorry Committee".
 Masahashi Yoshimura, interview by author, Tokyo, Japan, November 12 1989.
 "The Investigation is Over on Restraining of UC Members" Asahi Shinbun (March 17, 1989).
 Yoshimura, by now, also had the assistance of a UC lawyer, Tadayoshi Ueno. They were joined, from October 28, by six other UC lawyers.
 Asahi Shinbun (April 18, 1989).
 Masahashi Yoshimura, interview by author, Tokyo, Japan, November 12, 1989.
 "Professor Asami Sued For Libel" Sekai Nippo (March 1, 1988).
 Asahi Shinbun (March 17, 1989).
 Addressed to Dr. Kyung Seo Park, Executive Director for Asia, World Council Of Churches, Geneva, Switzerland, the list features Pascal, a former communist party activist, who came to Japan to study Martial Arts. Once there he converted to Christianity and married a former UC member. He has since been an active member of the ACM in Hokkaido. Akio Kobayashi "A Petition" (April 10, 1991), 4-6.
 Satoshi Moriyama "Public Interrogation of the UC" Christian News (April 17, 1988)
 "Learning The Reality of Rescue" Kyodan Times (June 4, 1988)
 The meeting had previously been advertized for those "who want to involve themselves in the rescue activity...The purpose of this seminar is to equip every church to effectively deal with the concerns of the families whose children are robbed by the UC." "Planning a Seminar on the Moonie Problem", Kyodan Times (May 7, 1988).
 "Prevalent Damage" Kyodan Times (October 21, 1989)
 "Consulted Cases Over 100", Kyodan Times (February 24, 1989)
 "Deceptive Persuasion At Joining" Yomiuri Shinbun (April 5, 1991)
 Skousen, W. Cleon The Making of America, (Washington, D.C.: The National Center of Constitutional Studies, 1985), 675
 William P, Woodward The Allied Occupation of Japan 1945-1952 and Japanese Religions, (Leiden, 1972), 1
 Shigeyoshi Murakami Japanese Religion in the Modern Century, (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1980), 120
 Dating back to the Meiji Reformation, Japan had tasted its first semblance of constitutional tolerance. Yet still even during this period Shintoism enjoyed official status. Murakami, 38
 Murakami, 120
 See Yoshimura, Ch 3.
 Robert S. Ellwood and Richard Pilgrim. Japanese Religions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1985), 147
 Satoshi Moriyama Christian Shinbun, (April 17, 1988).
 Wood, Jr,James E. Religion, The State and Education (Waco, Texas: Baylor University Press, 1984), 15.
 Skousen, 680
 Donald E Miller, Deprogramming In Historical Perspective ed. David G. Bromley, James T. Richardson The Brainwashing/ Deprogramming Controversy: Sociological, Psychological, Legal and Historical Perspectives, (New York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1983), 18-28.
 Thomas Jefferson condemned it as setting a precedent for "darkest bigotry and barbarism". Ibid. 21.
 The 19th century Massachusetts educator, Horace Mann, noted that if, in an attempt to prevent prejudice in schools, all sectarian books on religion were to be eliminated then no books on religion would remain. Wood, 20
 Skousen, 685
 Through this amendment the Supreme Court was able eventually to bring legislation to ban all religious education in schools. Equal discrimination was considered to be a more feasible proposition than attempting equal representation of all the various denominations. Wood, 21
 Murakami, 119-121
 "The Post war period has seen the consolidation of hundreds of new religions of various kinds. There are for example the energetic lay Buddhism of the Soka Gakkai; the syncretic salvationist Buddhism of the Rissho Kosei-kai; the ascetic this worldliness of Tenri-kyo; the aesthetic neo Shinto of Omoto; and the so-called `businessman's religion' of Perfect Liberty Kyodan." James A Beckford, The Cult Problem In Five Countries: The Social Construction of Religious Controversy Ed. Eileen Barker Of Gods and Men (Macon GA: Mercer University Press, 1983), 202
 David G. Bromley "Ted Patrick and the Development of Deprogramming", Paper delivered at the annual meeting of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion (October 1985), 8.
 Anson D. Shupe, Jr. and David G. Bromley The New Vigilantes (Beverley Hills: Sage Publications, 1980) 74, 93. J. Gordon Melton Encyclopedic Book of Cults (N.Y.:Garland Publishing Inc.: 1986) 232.
 Shupe and Bromley, 111.
 Fukuda and Ueno, 107.
 Ibid., 121.
 Ibid. 36.
 Ibid. 8.
 Anson D. Shupe, Jr. and David G. Bromley The New Vigilantes, (Beverley Hills: Sage Publications, 1980), 74
 Ibid. 216.
 Robert J. Lifton Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism, (NY: W.W. Norton, 1963). See also E.H. Schien, I. Schneier and C.H. Becker Coercive Persuasion, (NY: W.W. Norton, 1961).
 Richard Delgado Limits to proselytizing Ed. David G. Bromley, James T. Richardson The Brainwashing/Deprogramming Controversy: Sociological, Psychological, Legal and Historical Perspectives (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1983), 217.
 Ibid. 218.
 Clerk was speaking at the "Vermont State Committee for the Investigation of Alleged Deceptive, Fraudulent and Criminal Practices" which took place on August 18, 1978. Richardson, xiii
 H. Newton Maloney, "Ant cultism: The Ethics of Psychologists' Reactions to New Religious Movements". Paper presented to the APA annual meeting, (August 1987), 5.
 Molk-Leal v. Holy Spirit Association, order No. 769-529
 J. Gordon Melton Encycolpedic Handbook of Cults (New York: Garland Publishing Inc.: 1986) p. 232
 This day, which also included an earlier rally held outside the White House, was dubbed the "Day of Affirmation and Protest". Neil Salonen, "Our Response to Persecution" New Hope News, (March 8th, 1976), 1
 Herbert Richardson New Religions and Mental Health: Understanding The Issues (NY, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1980), 39.
 In 1974, Patrick was found guilty of kidnapping a female Hare Krishna member and was sentenced to a one-year jail term. He began his sentence on July 24, 1976 and served two months, which was extended to 144 days one year later, due to violations of his parole terms. In 1974, he was convicted and five-month prison term, in Denver for the false imprisonment of two sisters whose parents wished them to rejoin the Greek Orthodox Church. In 1981, he was indicted in Ohio for the abduction, assault and sexual battery of a resident named Stephanie Reithmiller, whose parents objected to her lesbian lifestyle. John T. Biermans, 283. Carlton Sherwood, 452
 In 1981, he was indicted in California for conspiracy, kidnapping and false imprisonment.
 Section 1751 of the probate code allows for custody of anyone believed to be under the influence of "artful and designing" persons.
 Brandon 21-22
 "Religious Conservatorship Laws Outlawed" New Hope News (April 14 1977), 1-
 "Victory: Stage One", New Hope News (April 1, 1977), 1-
 "Victory: Stage 2" New Hope News April 14, 1977. 1-
 In New York State, as in California, conservatorship law is taken from the Uniform Probate Code. It exists to protect the property of a person suffering some form of mental disability. It is not intended to take away a person's constitutional rights and should be reversed once that person is found to possess the "requisite testament capacity". John E. LeMoult Fordam Law Review 46 (1978), 599-634
 "Religious Conservatorship Laws Outlawed New Hope News October 12, 1977. 1-
 Biermans 210, Brandon 23-24
 The lower court Judge, Robert Hyatt, had allowed two deprogrammers, Robert Brandyberry and Denis Whelen, to walk free after being charged of kidnapping 29-year-old UC member, Britta Adolphsson. No one doubted the charge, but once again the accused claimed justification. Rocky Mountain News "Deprogrammers, Beware: Clever Defense Won't Survive" November 28, 1988.
 Ibid. 8.
 Kirisuto Shinbun, (April 9, 1988).
 Sanai Hashimoto "The People in Hokkaido Concerned About the Secret Maneuvers of the Unification Movement" UCCJ of Hokkaido Newsletter (April 29, 1984), 17
 Fukuda and Ueno, 104.
 "Resolution on Deprogramming". Resolution adopted by the National Council of Churches, February 28, 1974.
 John T. Biermans The Odyssey of New Religions Today; A case Study of The Unification Church (Lewiston, N.Y.: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1988), 283, 213-214
 This is made further apparent in the Dole hearing's attendance list which included representatives from the Internal Revenue Service, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the Criminal Division of the Justice Department, the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, the Department of Labor, Postal Service and the Federal Trade Commission. "Parents Rally Behind Church as Opponents Use Congressional Forum" New Hope News (March 8, 1976), 11-12
 George Hansen To Harass Our People: An Investigation Into The IRS (Washington, DC: Positive Publications, 1984), 37-38.
 Richardson, xxxvi
 Biermans, 5-7
 Allan J. Brockway and J. Paul Rajashekar, eds., New Religious Movements and the Church (Geneva: WCC Publications, 1987).
 Vatican Report, "Sects or New Religious Movements: Pastoral Challenge" (Washington, DC: US Catholic Conference, May 3, 1986), 13.
 Father Remi Hoeckman, speech given at an ecumenical conference on NRM's, Catholic University of America (April 27, 1987). Ibid.
 Shintenshi (November 15, 1988), 34-35.
 David Bromley "Falling From the Faith" ed. David Bromley Falling From The Faith (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1988), 197
 Biermans, 74
 "Committee to Combat Kidnappings" New Hope News (February 8 1975), 16
 "Charges Spark Media Battle" New Hope News, (October 6 1975), 1-
 "Mr. Salonen Confronts Rabbi Davis and John Cotter" New Hope News (February 4 1976), 7
 "Investigation Rumors Subside as Truth is Revealed" New Hope News (November 10 1975), 4.
 Fukudo and Ueno.
 Michael L. Mickler "The Anti-Cult Movement in Japan", (May 16 1991), 22 Paper delivered at a seminar on New Religions in Global Perspective, Buelton, California.